Contact with the IMF during pro... [?] was new, and the duties and responsibilities at the outset of the development of the marxh... [?] important world institution were characterized by the emotion of a first meeting. The IMF was known to us, who had dealt with the economic sphere, as an organization that regulates world finances; and although we were not at all convinced by the “discrediting” that it directed at the world’s [?] Marxist-Leninist macroeconomy, in this situation we nevertheless approached it [?] with very little experience. Honestly, I must admit that in our initial relations there were elements of fetishized respect and provincial curiosity, but I believe we overcame them quickly. My relations, and those of my ministerial staff, with IMF missions had both serious aspects and anecdotal ones. I remember that in mid-’91, when I was Minister of Finance in the Government of Stability, there were no more than three people in the ministry who spoke some English, including me. This made the talks twice as difficult: first, because we had a poor command of the language; second, because we also knew few of the professional terms in the economic vocabulary. After every long discussion, involving great responsibility for the policies the Albanian Government had to undertake, we had to stay for several more hours afterward to clarify among ourselves whether we had understood what we had been told and to think of a response for the next day. Our working day with the IMF lasted 8–10 hours. Those first contacts, amid a general lack of experience, unfamiliarity with the art of negotiation, and exhausting meetings, had become a genuine school that helped us refine our understanding of the market economy, grasp the essence of economic policy, and even learn the art of negotiation. We learned when to say yes and when no. The situation changed after 6 mon- [?] ths. By then, the Ministry of Finance had young people who knew how to negotiate in a two-way [?] manner with the IMF mission members. The high point was Albania’s admission to the IMF in October ’91. After March 22, the Albanian state, under the new government, was fully committed to beginning the implementation of concrete policies negotiated with the IMF. This was formalized in the first one-year agreement.

The May 15 meeting between Millosheviç and Rugova in Belgrade could only be called a strange meeting. At least that is the realistic way to describe it. That meeting was not tainted by either Rugova’s past, with its official public policy, or the present, with the brutal Serbian attacks on the Albanian population in Kosovo, or the future of a solution to the Kosovo problem, expressed very clearly as a desire for a referendum on independence. Rugova has not moved from his positions for seven years: “Kosovo, an independent and neutral Republic, open to Serbia and Albania.” “We support a peaceful solution and dialogue on the Kosovo issue, with the mediation of a third party.” At Friday’s meeting, [they] have the right to defend themselves with weapons against the deadly Serbian attacks. Someone has tried to describe the Rugova-Millosheviç meeting as a successful step, although this symbolizes the idea that Rugova was supposedly regarded as a party by Millosheviç. To believe this is just like accepting that Millosheviç is not a Machiavellian, that he does not use every means to achieve his goal. Millosheviç received Rugova in Belgrade, made him speak Serbian, made him smile for no reason, and gave him no concession (the handover of several University of Prishtina buildings does not count at all as an achievement of this meeting). Millosheviç does not violate the April 23 referendum, so he will not accept a third party in the talks. It remains to be seen what Rugova will do next. Will he continue the lower-level meetings expected at the end of next week, without a mediator? We must ask: What will happen next? Rugova and the other Kosovo leaders must rethink themselves if they do not want to remain on the margins of the Albanian people’s response. It seems that the people there are more realistic than the politicians: an independent republic can be achieved through dialogue, with the consent of the person who is having them killed every day. The Rugova-Millosheviç meeting perhaps showed more clearly than anything else that Rugova would be satisfied even with Kosovo autonomy. If this is true, there is nothing else for us to say. Perhaps we should add the wish that autonomy will satisfy the people of Kosovo and enjoy their support. If this people were to accept autonomy, then let us hope that Millosheviçi, who was crowned a nationalist when he took autonomy away from Kosovo in 1989, will return it to them after the referendum supported by the people who have been oppressed in Kosovo until now. What remains from the Rugova-Millosheviç meeting is their appearance on TV, together with their handshake and Rugova’s smile. Millosheviç emerged as a national leader, a man who “knows how to wage war, but also make peace,” as they called him, while Rugova emerged as the man who could neither make war nor peace. In the end, there will be no independent Republic of Kosovo. Even with his “no comment” in Belgrade, Millosheviçi won. * Former Foreign Minister … a peaceful resolution through dialogue of At Friday’s meeting with Milosheviç, Rugova yielded ground regarding mediation by a third party, and did so without even obtaining approval from the other members of the Albanian political leadership in Kosovo. We would accept this sudden move if it were clearly beneficial, but it seems that this time, too, Milosheviç played his hand better than we Albanians did. Besides speaking Serbian throughout the entire meeting with Rugova, he did not even deign to issue an order to halt all military and police operations by Serbian forces in Kosovo. Therefore, Rugova’s first demand and condition for the meeting should have been the cessation of all military operations and perhaps the withdrawal of all forces engaged in violence against the Albanians. That did not happen. Thus, Rugova’s meeting and smiles with Milosheviç took place against the backdrop of the bloodshed of Albanians in Kosovo. Now we can ask: What happened that made Rugova deny himself? The new element in the circumstances was the American reinforcements in the Kosovo Albanian issue. In addition to Gelbard, Holbruk has arrived, the renowned author of Dayton. Rugova had the opportunity to meet the resolve of Albanian policy with that of the Americans as well, an opportunity he did not take. So, Rugova’s hesitation is not a prerequisite for peace for any reason. The fact that Serbian attacks on the so-called terrorists continued during and after the meeting shows that Rugova anticipated how it would erupt; he thinks that the Albanians of Kosovo do not…

Meidani and Bezhani ready for a new review The head of the Figures Commission: I spoke at length with the President The country’s top officials are still under scrutiny. Do they cheat on their wives? They put up the symbol of the Chetniks in its place Surprise at the border: Serbs steal the boundary marker TIRANA - Bezhani asks Meidani to provide a legal basis so that he can investigate people holding high office. “The Commission must verify the financial, criminal and moral integrity of senior officials.” Nafiz Bezhani, head of the Figures Commission, has asked the President of the Republic to expand the Commission’s legal powers. “President Meidani gave me assurances and promised to take the legal initiative to support me in this idea,” Bezhani told Gazeta Shqiptare yesterday. According to Bezhani, investigations into the dark pasts of spies no longer have a place in Albanian politics; what has criminalized society is the phenomenon of people of questionable morals becoming involved in politics. “There is no way a person who has been a secretary can become a minister or Prime Minister,” he said [?]

They put up the symbol of the Chetniks in its place Boundary markers disappear at the border. Yesterday morning, guards at the Goden post in the Has area reported that one of the boundary stones was missing. At the spot where the marker separating the border had previously stood, the soldiers found a small piece of paper on which the symbol of the four S’s, of Greater Serbia, had been drawn. Border experts immediately arrived at the scene. The speed of the [?] and the secrecy surrounding this episode led the experts to conclude that the operation had been very well organized. The entire incident took place during the night, out of sight of the border patrols. The Serbian authorities have also been asked for an explanation of this serious provocation. This time, the northern neighbors used a small symbol, but one that is highly significant in the situation that has recently developed along the border. A cross with four S’s at its corners is known as the distinctive sign of the Serbs’ old dream of expanding their borders. On page 4

The race for the list of candidates begins . New elections: Who will win? TIRANA - Who will win the elections? Almost everyone says success will be on their side, even though the parties are just over a month away from facing one another in the partial local elections. Meanwhile, electoral disputes between the two political camps seem to have begun. Neritan Ceka has accused the PD leaders of having no moral right to ask the electorate for its vote. “They have not yet apologized to this people for the terror they caused and the money they stole,” said the PAD leader. Meanwhile, Bode, on the other side, accuses the Socialists of lacking moral standing. “They are discredited; we are the most trustworthy, so we will win the elections,” the Democratic leader said. A coalition meeting has also taken place, but it seems they will have to meet again to make a final decision on the local candidacies. Candidates for mayor of Vlora and Vlora, as well as one candidate for commune head, have yet to be selected. On page 2 … about the local government elections. The elections, it seems, have been withdrawn, following the electoral policies between the two political camps. Neritan Ceka has accused the leaders of the DP, saying they still have terror they caused them and the money that they …” On page 2

Berisha stays on the road; yesterday in Berat BERAT - Berisha breaks through in another difficult district after the March unrest. Berat was the final stop of the weekend trip by the Democratic leader, Sali Berisha. After 14 months away, the Democrats’ long motorcade managed to enter the city of a thousand and one windows without any problems. More than 313 cars made up the Democrats’ convoy from the Kuçi Bridge at the entrance to Berat. On page 2 Berisha in Berat yesterday (Photo: H. Pustina)

DURRËS - Attack on luxury Benzes. Six late-model Benzes have been stolen in 48 hours and, according to the police, the vehicles were among the latest models. On page 8

VLORE - “The mountain gives birth to a pit”—for the people of Vlore, this is one of the truths known for a long time, while for everyone else everything can be outlined for them if you tell them about Kus Baba. On page 7

SHKODËR - A few days ago, a meeting of the steering committee of the local branch of the Shkodran socialists was held. After lengthy debates about the work of the branch leadership, Dashamir Dini, a teacher, was elected chair. On page 6

… Pyramid at the border (Photo: Hektor Pustina) Pyramid at the border (Photo: Hektor Pustina)