Rome–Tirana row over the KLA On pages 2–9 In the photo, U.S. Ambassador Mariza Lino during a celebration in the streets of the Albanian capital

OPINION Artan BORIÇI In the context of a liberation war in Kosovo, which would lead toward Kosovo’s independence after a transitional phase, Albania too is facing intense Serbian pressure. Everyone agrees with the thesis that Kosovo’s independence would bring about a true revival for the Albanian nation and open the way to prosperity and balance among its neighbours. In this way, a centuries-old balance that was to the detriment of Albanians is disrupted, something that cannot be accepted by our neighbours. One thing is clear to Serbia, and to Greece to some extent as well: Kosovo’s independence is an unstoppable outcome when viewed in perspective. In circumstances where Serbia remains the last dictatorial state in Europe, there is heightened Atlantic interest in a rapid solution to the Kosovo problem, an interest that neither Serbia nor Greece can stop. It seems that 1999 will be an important year in Kosovo, and for this reason the neighbouring states are under great pressure as they face a defeat in favour of Albanian rights. It is illogical to think that these two states, and perhaps others too, have not made their entire arsenals available to obstruct the Albanian factor in the Balkans from achieving prosperity. If they cannot prevent Kosovo’s independence, then they, particularly Serbia, will seek to destabilize Albania. The cases of high-voltage pylons being toppled have been confirmed in the Albanian press as the work of Serbia. On the other hand, Milošević declared that for 1999 he expects a multi-ethnic Kosovo, which means ethnic cleansing on a large scale. In addition to settling accounts with the Albanians of Kosovo, he wants to carry the conflict into Albania by forcibly displacing Kosovars toward Albania. The ultimate aim seems to be chaos like that of 1997, followed by a change in Albanians’ attitude toward the Albanian authorities. In that event, the international community would send an ALBA 2 with a much longer-term presence, and no one could prevent the gradual assimilation of some Albanians into other cultures, a process that, for some Albanian politicians, finds expression in their vision of integration. Today, after more than half a century, Albanians have the right to integrate with the continent’s developed countries. This is a natural aspiration for every Albanian, but the path to integration is very important. This is said especially because, in conditions of the total impoverishment of Albanians, the gradual assimilation of some Albanians over a period of several decades cannot be seen as the integration of Albanians in the Balkans. First, Albanians lose their linguistic identity and later their cultural identity as well. This kind of integration is not what gives the Albanian state its existential purpose. Second, integration begins locally and cannot be understood without peaceful and equal partners; Albanians are not prepared for this today, and therefore must create mechanisms to protect their identity even under these conditions. One such mechanism is Albanian internal unity, which is needed more than ever today. We Albanians cannot eliminate the impact of the outbreak in Kosovo, but at the very least we must be able to ensure that the burden of the war moving from Kosovo to Albania does not change its essence—that it remains a war of one nation to win its rights on both sides of the border. Transferring the war across the border while changing the parties to the conflict is impossible: history will not forgive us for a fratricidal war.

HOW HOXHA ELIMINATED COMRADE ANASTAS LULA On pages 12–13

KESH: WHOEVER DOESN’T PAY WILL LEAVE THEIR HOUSE AS COLLATERAL On page 7