“...as I leave my country, I have faith that I will return to it again. When I say this, I mean returning not after a catastrophe, but after a genuine democratization...” ISMAIL KADARE Paris 25.10.1990 In my small room, where the closeness of things creates a surprisingly pleasant atmosphere, it sometimes happens that the walls, as if in a vice, draw so near to each other that they seem to press against my chest and impose an almost unbearable strain. The soul is not at peace. A bundle of worries hangs over the conscience and weighs heavily. On the pages of the poems of revolt, soothing reflections appear from time to time—the blond hair of a girl I spoke to, seemingly by chance, 100 years ago, but who has not by chance taken up residence in my memory. The notion of time itself is insurmountable. In what moment are we living? A small piece of the misted windowpane looking north. A vine tendril hangs over it, the sole testimony of midsummer. The other testimonies of the time (which you tried to fabricate anew) are missing, and I believe that they will come some years from now and, consequently, the appeasement of the troubled soul will arrive somewhat late, who knows after what countless torments. And perhaps, at the endless moment, one of the great jokes of the non-appeasement of human spirits is connected to the party wall whose magic brought it so close, so as to place before your eyes a photo of the great, modern Albanian genius, Kadare. That past midsummer, when “Voice of America” broadcast the news of international significance, Albania was not without reason beneath a gray, damp and dense fog. At that time, a …im, M.D., who had once spent a night at the Hunting Hotel, had solemnly told the Great Prime Minister that by leaving Albania he … was doing nothing other than following the advice of a universe called Kadare. The superlative in this statement perhaps had here and there some … But, as I said, it was precisely the 46-year-old fog (which, fortunately, was beginning to crack) that had created such a setting, from which, amid the agony, the pseudo-intellectuals and other educated street toughs, though dressed in power, hurled their anathemas at the central figure of the last two decades in Albania. But sadly, the Lilliputians of the isolated communist island, some of whom (to their misfortune) reached as high as the giant Kadare’s heel, finally realized that by expelling the genius de jure from his Homeland, they had successfully crowned a shameful war against the Albanian intelligentsia as a whole. The truth was different. The wretches could not understand that they were the ones who had lost, because Kadare’s departure from Albania was first and foremost the greatest accusation ever brought against the dictatorship they represented throughout its history. The Kadarean act, which also contained the sublime within itself, thus constituted the greatest challenge to the bureaucracy and to the man who represented the highest peak of the party-state pyramid. The communist crutch, in its final attempts to survive, had no qualms about insulting even the national conscience: “Kadare has deserted (!!!)” (Dosja H., 1981). Now, when everything has been left behind, after months of waiting and anxiety in the whirlpool of our dreams and everyday thoughts, the genius has arrived in all his grandeur. Libraries, in their most distinguished sections, carry an immense weight. This is not only because of the colossal weight of his oeuvre as a whole, but also because of how it came to be: an art created under dictatorship, yet art of a level on a par with the world’s contemporary art! And faced with this great art, the question of whether Kadare should return to Albania is almost a suspicious one! Kadare’s return to Albania (more than a matter concerning him himself) is a matter for his people. The genius who, through deprivation, bestowed a treasure upon his Homeland has entrusted his RETURN to his own people. It can be said that Kadare’s arrival in the Homeland will at the same time be the certificate of full democracy in Albania, and consequently, the longer Kadare delays his return, the more we will understand each day that the claws of dictatorship have still not disappeared from our country, that full democracy has still not been established. The Albanian people, aspiring to build genuine democracy in their country, are preparing the ground for the dignified return of the genius. And the Albanian people will do this as soon as possible. Then troubled souls will have beside them, along with the vine trembling beyond the window like a living body of flesh, the most colossal testimony of the time we live in: Kadare. had no qualms about insulting even people’s national conscience: “Kadare has deserted (!!!)” By now even an adolescent who knew of the genius only the lines “The sound of rain on the roof...” would not agree with such a communist string of words. Because, as I said, the fog, fortunately, had begun to break. It is quite simple to understand that the state apparatus’s allergy to the universal genius goes beyond any excuses. While they were weaving encomiums and Sancho Panza-like hymns to Enver Hoxha’s Don Quixote speeches about the importance of potatoes and the danger of revisionism, genius Kadare, on the other hand, through his work, was constituting who represented the highest peak of the party-state pyramid. It can be said that Kadare’s return to time we live in: Kadare. MARASH MIRASHI Midsummer 1991

PRESIDENT ALIA HANDS OVER THE KEYS While working in his office, President Alia gets up tired and walks over to the window, pondering the future. A little later he turns back to resume his work, but... in the armchair—

back to resume his work, but... the unforgettable Enver himself is sitting in the presidential armchair and says to him: — I’ve just returned from the meeting of the Political Bureau, where we decided to declare you an agent of the imperialists and expel you from the Party. The president replies: — But legally, I don’t belong to any party? The unforgettable Enver: — We have information from comrade Sulo Gradeci that you belong to the PD and the Americans. The president: — I absolutely do not agree with such baseless slander. The unforgettable Enver: It makes no difference to us whether you agree or not. We agree. Come on, hand the keys over to Sulo now! LENIN’S CONDOLENCES On the night of 20 June 1991, after Lenin’s statue was removed in Tirana, Enver goes to offer Lenin his condolences and says to him warmly: — My condolences, Father! We were truly sorry. But don’t be upset, time… — I get over it easily — Lenin cuts in. At least nobody saw me when I fell. But you and Stalin fell in broad daylight. ENVER READS THE NEWSPAPER “KOHA JONË” As comrade Enver was reading all the newspapers vertically (as usual), the newspaper “Koha jonë,” with comrade Nexhmije’s interview, caught his eye. Angry, he calls Nexhi, who is washing the children’s clothes. — You’ve really been talking a lot, woman. This journalist—shall I call Sulo?! She rushes over, worried. — I’m sorry, comrade Enver, but I haven’t said anything at all. Marash Mirashi, who conducted the interview, simply made it all up. ENVER: — Is that so?! Then we must punish Marash. With death, at the very least, because the enemy of our family is the enemy of the Albanian people. COMRADE ENVER CROSSES THE BORDER While taking a walk one night in Drilon, comrade Enver’s ghost encounters a couple making love somewhere near his villa. Angered by the unexpected sight, he interrupts them: — What kind of revisionism is this? Is there or isn’t there a youth organization in your collective? The couple replies: — We’re not members of any collective. Comrade Enver, utterly astonished, asks how such a thing is possible. The couple replies: — We’re simply unemployed people who keep ourselves busy with the odd job. Amazed, comrade Enver walks away, talking to himself: — How is that possible? I must have crossed the border! EDMOND KACELI

Interview with Mr. GENC RULI, Minister of Finance. IN THE NEXT ISSUE: DRITA KOSTURI — a whole life spent in prisons and internment. Interview conducted by our newspaper’s correspondent in Tirana, LUAN PENGILI. Excerpts: Question: Which persecution weighed most heavily on you? Answer: That of the post-Liberation years. After being imprisoned twice during the time of fascism, my imprisonment in 1946 was above all a moral persecution. Question: What relationship did you have with Nexhmie Hoxha during your school years? Answer: ... Since I knew Nexhmije quite well and personally in those years, I firmly reject the suspicion.... Question: Can the truth about the murder of Qemal Stafa come out, and which people can speak about it? Answer: Nothing is ever forgotten. Someone must speak about this matter...

On the basis of the concerns we have, the political parties and social organizations come before the public with this appeal: First, a spirit of mistrust is evident, resulting from the well-known stages of long-standing monist practices and from the dire economic situation into which our country is being led. In this context, regardless of the fact that such a situation continues and that changes are being noticed, it is essential that we all try to do more to increase trust. Let us be convinced that in the extreme situation in which we find ourselves …, only a better future lies ahead. The political parties discuss at length the … that also arise from factors increasing this mistrust; it is difficult to see … there are many concerns. … difficulties continue, given that … The political parties suggest that the nomenklatura take measures without delay to replace them. Restructuring the organs of power from the district down to the grassroots is necessary. We demand that cultured, honest people be placed in charge everywhere, people free from many practices that have harmed us so greatly, practices arising from the excessive ideologization of a totalitarian state. Above all, we demand that young, capable people be appointed everywhere, people who enjoy the respect of the masses. The state of property is a matter of concern. Bearing in mind the Government’s latest decisions as well, we call on everyone to rise up to protect property, since it concerns our future. In particular, we appeal and draw attention to the safeguarding of … operational units, Blinisht, Frutore, etc. safeguarding the grain in storage, which is everyone’s bread; to protecting and tending agricultural crops; to safeguarding trees and fruit; and, especially, to finding ways and means to give greater care to livestock, both on the NB farms and in private household yards. We demand that abuses be stopped, so that this may help increase trust and public confidence. Many criticisms were raised at the meeting about the investigative service, which, because of the policy it is pursuing, is also damaging other bodies such as the police, the court, etc. Of the 270 complaints and cases sent there during this period, the investigative service has so far sent only 4–5 of them for trial. There were also concerns about the police, claim[?] (Continued on page 2)