— THE NEW COMMUNISTS CANNOT JUST MAKE A PARTY, THEY ALSO MAKE POWER! In January 1991, in the newspaper with the least certainty, without going on too long, but just enough to present a band of unknown individuals called the Democratic Party, I drafted the first public article, in which it was said that the Albanian right had been born with the stigma of old slogans under the people’s new postulate. But, as it seems, the game helped them enough. So determined and brave! Albanians then decided to do it. They called that changing the government. But, in the taste of the future, this country had only a five-hundred-year drama of the nation, and the real Albanians deserve credit, those who, without becoming democrats, for a single, natural chance, did this themselves. Today, after a year and a half of hope, the day has come for everyone to think about where we are and who is leading us! Alired Serqeti[?], a deputy of the Democratic Party, quite nervous about the time commitment of all governments, without bringing anything to the table, they went to make themselves kings of the people, but were exposed as ordinary bureaucrats. They called Aleksandër Meksi[?] Minister of the Interior. Without waiting for matters to become clear, other changes followed. One after another, the new “clans” arose from power, the so-called new PPSH, who, appointed as its leaders and soldiers, brought into the front ranks most of the middle and upper nomenklatura. Ali Merdi Serqeti[?], a deputy of the Democratic Party, with ever greater irritation, felt like spitting at the television cameras when he saw the same old faces, now in new suits, speaking about democracy. But what happened? A coup or an agreement? Whose fault was it? No measuring tool is needed for this. What is happening is nothing more than the second performance of the old Albanian drama. There is no need for much thought. It is enough to see who has been appointed to key posts in the administration, the police, the prefectures, and diplomacy. Everywhere, names from the same political school, the same instructors, the same committee secretaries. Could these perhaps be the martyrs of freedom? Or were they the ones who until yesterday were suppressing free speech? Our people have suffered too much to so easily accept the great game of masks. But perhaps collective exhaustion, general poverty, and the lack of a real opposition made the rise of this new caste easier. If anyone thinks this is the price of transition, let them say so openly. We are not dealing with transition, but with the recycling of power. Today, the “Kapo” clan does not rule only in the party; it rules in the government, in the administration, in the police, in customs, on television, everywhere privileges and benefits are divided. For this reason, every honest democrat should raise his voice. Because silence is complicity. And complicity is the lowest form of political betrayal. If one day this people demands accountability, the reckoning will begin precisely with those who called themselves hope and ended up defending only themselves.

In the most “reliable” study of a great - Albania, not sent to Tokyo or Rome, but at the very least - African. Seven seconds later, Albania has brought into our Albania: we cook in the WC. Does this change life and what can the inhabitants of these new apartments say about it? INSAT TOZAJ

Dear reader, from the correspondent of our editorial office. Vullneti Bufi has been invited to a program on TVSH with other questions, which he is trying very hard to clarify for us. When[?] I know, but in the name of every [illegible word] after [illegible word]. ADNAN ISMAILI This time we ask your pardon.

If we are to believe some of his friends, not only will it not be Spiro! But was this the spoken truth? It came out, did they have such exploiters and were they really? Before the session of the organization in the Peshkopi area was held to decide on the dismissal of the police chief, the district police forces had already done their “duty”: they had surrounded the town, set up checkpoints, and warned that no movement would be allowed. The next day, at midday, Spiro Dede entered the hall where the meeting was taking place and was greeted with applause by part of those present. But what happened next? According to witnesses, pressure on the delegates increased. Orders from above were mentioned, and talk turned to disciplinary measures and dismissals from work. Spiro Dede defended himself by saying that he had acted in accordance with the law and that every action he had taken was to preserve order. His opponents accused him of arrogance, violence, and political service. The debate became harsh and often turned into insults. In the end, the decision was postponed. The town remained waiting. People asked: will Spiro Dede return to duty or was everything only a game to take the pulse of public opinion? On the other side, his supporters said he was being attacked because he would not accept unlawful orders. His opponents, on the contrary, saw him as a symbol of the old methods. And so, once again, the small history of a town became a mirror of the great crisis of the state. In the absence of a clear decision, only the question remained that everyone asks today: what happened to Spiro Dede... ?

— “Çjapi”, interrupted at the Nervokombetare center in Kuka. By FEROK ÇUFI — There will be no deviation, so long as politics rules the law. From the prosecutor, Mrs. GJEK GJILA, former chief of police in Shkodër during the events of 2 April. — WE SUFFER DAILY: — Why he criticized President Berisha so much and for what. By ALEKSANDËR FRANGAJ — The interview with Mr. Skënder Gjinushi (Kocel), former secretary of the PPSH and of the United Front, continues, about reformers and the right. — A pleasure in the newspaper “KOHA JONË”. NEWSPAPER EDITOR: NIKOLLË LESI CHIEF EDITOR: ALEKSANDËR FRANGAJ EDITORIAL BOARD: N. LESI, TOUTIN ÇOBANI (literary critic) and PASHK PËRVATHI (painter)