— THE COMMUNISTS CREATED NEPOTISM AFTER THEY CAME TO POWER. — THE NEW PSEUDODEMOCRATS CAME TO POWER THROUGH NEPOTISM — In January 1991, the unforgettable article «Why Is the Bloc Not Wept For?» was published in the newspaper «RD». In that article, the blood and friendship ties within the communist ruling clique governing the country were exposed. Albanian readers thought then that the masquerade of abuses of office at the expense of the long-suffering people had come to an end. Great hopes were born. One great hope was that the people would be governed by honest and capable people who put the country’s work before their own, who thought of citizens before their cousins and friends. But, as it seems, it was not to be. A new nepotism took ugly root within the Democratic Party as it came to power thanks to the people’s vote, cast in the hope of changing their own fate. The people knew nothing about the new «Kapo» clan that was growing, expanding and growing stronger unnoticed within the DP. The people went to vote for democracy, for a peaceful and secure future, which they saw in the DP’s program and in the personalities of the party’s prominent figures. It can be said that the Democratic Party has achieved no small amount in taking power. Let us look at the matter concretely. Alfred Serreqi, Democratic Party MP, member of this party’s National Council, Minister of Foreign Affairs. He is a brother-in-law of Leka Toto, Democratic Party MP and member of the National Council. Leka Toto gave his sister in marriage to Mr. Bujar Hoxha, a close adviser to President Berisha, the man who attacked in the Prishtina press Rexhep Qosja’s efforts toward national reconciliation. Professor Bujar, now an old man, carrying a heavy burden of communist activity on his back, stays behind the scenes. But he is thought to be the key to the new nepotism, appearing completely untroubled alongside President Berisha. Bujar brings in Toto, Toto brings in his brother-in-law Serreqi, and Serreqi hurries to present the President with his own cousin, Kolec Topalli, secretary of the presidential cabinet, who is often seen at the head of the ministers and among them, astonishing everyone who understands the protocol of a state. Very quickly, The head of the PPSH’s basic organization for 10 consecutive years at the Faculty of Economics is appointed Dean of that faculty. Immediately afterwards, the newly appointed head of the National Intelligence Service, Bashkim Gazided, appears on the scene; his wife is a close cousin of Safet Zhulali’s wife. Here too, at the Bahollëvë connection, which follows the Toto-Serreqi connection, Mr. Abdi Baleta is then linked in; he is a son-in-law in that family. The clan then expands to include Franko Krroqi, deputy minister of industry, whose wife is a cousin of Zhulali’s mother. This clan, which by its demonstrable methods worked and continues to work to usurp the DP and the Albanian state, has taken measures in good time to keep the state open to it in the Republican Party as well. The chairman of that party, Mr. Godo, is a cousin of Tomorr Malasi and Leka Toto. At lower levels of the state administration, this clan multiplies through others. But even this is enough to sound the alarm. What is happening to the state? ... The people broke away that they saw in the Democratic Party’s program and in the personalities of the Party’s distinguished figures. We can mention the honorable Sali Berisha, today President of the Republic; Gramoz Pashko, today expelled from the PD parliamentary group; Azem Hajdari, today gone to the USA to study; Arben Imami, today an ordinary PD deputy; Aleksandër Meksi, today Prime Minister; Genc Ruli, Minister of Finance and Economy; Eduard Selami, today chairman of the PD; Arben Demeti, Preç Zogaj, Genc Pollo, and many others, equally or less well-known. Circumstances meant that these gentlemen, along with others not appropriate to mention here, presented the face of the PD to the people from the very beginning. But while these gentlemen, in their effort to bring a new spirit of dialogue and consensus into the Party, would suddenly and frequently find themselves facing one another, both within and outside the Party an alliance of several unknown individuals grew stronger by the day. We now see them at the head of formations, departments, and institutions. They are bound to one another by blood and friendship. Three months after taking power, [?] and Arianit Berisha, Beriq [?] his friend, his young protégé “Kapo,” who also whispers his own [?] service to Kolec Topalli, secretary of the presidential cabinet—the man often seen at the head of of a state. Quickly and without difficulty, Minister Sereqi appoints his cousin Cezar Asllani director of the Palace of Congresses. Here, the new nepotism points to the Minister of Health and Environment, Mr. Tritan Shehu, whose mother has as her maternal uncle the father-in-law of Sereqi and Toto. From here, automatically, we see Minister Tritan’s wife as head of the press office at the Presidency. Meanwhile, Sereqi’s son, Pali, is a member of the PD National Council. Does it stop there? Unfortunately, no. The Deputy Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Tomor Malasi, is Leka Toto’s cousin. The Afezolli family has a marriage-bond friendship with this household, so the young Naskë Afezolli becomes Deputy Minister of Economic Relations with Foreign Countries. But Naskë’s mother is the sister of Sul Baholli, a well-known figure in the Communist nomenklatura. The Bahollis married their daughter into the Zhulali family, so we have Safet Zhulali as Minister of Defense. Without wasting time, as soon as Safet is installed, his brother Kadri Zhulali, the Bahollis’ son-in-law and former secretary of the presidential cabinet, is appointed—the man often seen at the head of a member of the PD National Council. What is happening to the state? Whose state is it? Can these people call themselves democrats when they exploit the sincere votes of the electorate to create clans with one another? How can the country’s affairs move forward like this? Do these gentlemen know that nepotism in the USA, a champion of democracy, is punished by imprisonment, and that this is done because democracy needs to be protected from abuses? The Democratic Party, as a fundamentally progressive force, will surely react urgently against this death-dealing [?] web of nepotism threatening democracy. Public opinion is talking a great deal about the PD’s nepotistic web and the President’s position. Some say the President does not know; others say the President is aware of this phenomenon. One political scientist even remarked: “What would the President need to know if he does not know this?” Nevertheless, I think the President does not know, but he will certainly learn about it after this article.

In my article «The Great Prison — Albania», published in «Koha jonë» in the previous issue, I deliberated at length about whether or not to write one more thought. When I heard the President’s interview after his return—

In my article «The Great Prison — return from the «Temple of Helsinki» and after the answer he gave about promulgating the housing law, I will not hesitate to say it: «More than 80 percent of Albanians cook in the WC. Does this honor this country, and what else should be done against the residents of these miserable apartments?!

Spiro Dede ka qenë një nga kryetarët e Partisë Socialiste. S. Dede dihet se më parë ka punuar në armën e Enverit siç pat punuar Nano në atë të Nexhmies etj. Por çuditërisht se Spiro Dede, para një viti, kur shpërtheyen ngjarjet e mëdha demokratike, bëri një befasi në mendimet e tij, duke e sulmuar E. Hoxhën dhe veprat e tij me aq zell sa dufështitë. Biografia e tij në këtë farë siç konditojnë mendimet e tij, nuk lënë ai mendimin se është «…» e PP-së po e kuptojmë pra në të Hoxha e teoritë e tij. Por kjo do të thotë Spiro Dede ishte e parti Socialiste që u luftuan e lektres e kryeredaktor i Punës me vonë kryeredaktor i «ZP»-së, por ndodhte ajo që Spiro Dedes, si do që nga këto qëndrim ndaj E. Hoxhës, që P.P. po i mbusheshin sallat. S. Dede ishte për një informim të përditshëm që Nanon e të plotë të P.P-së dhe të lejonte të guro. Disa herë bli njerëz të ndryshëm në hamendje të tyre, thonin në Spiros dohet besuar në një farë mase, se ai është i brendshëm e ua njeh mirë rënjet. Siç duket nga që i njeh mirë, edhe po i thanë kaq shumë e tanii po i urren. Të tjerë thonë se Spiro hëngri bukën e tani po përmbys kupën. Kulmin e distancimit për ne, Spiro Dede e arriti, siç kemi shkruar më parë, në Lezhë, kur tha se veprat e E. Hoxhës duhen çuar në fabrikën e letrës. Që nga ajo kohë erdhi një rrallë e më rrallë në mbledhje. Edhe edhe në fushatën elektorale në votkrahe si duket do këtë pjesë? Ajo kjo se është në do një letër, dhe rrallë më në mbledhje, E. Hoxha e teoritë e tij. Ka qenë duket që do të jetë pjesë, shumë se ka këtë thënie. Duke pasur kontakte më të kohë të tij, nga leja e tij. Me sho-kët të tij, në moshë të vjetër me të informim të përditshëm që Nanon e më rrallë në mbledhje. Edhe në fushatën elektorale, bile shkonte deri atje sa thoshte se njerëzve duhet besuar në një farë mase, se të rrëzohet Nano me të tjerë s’janë më pak të përlyer. Nëse u menjanuam për rinovim të Partisë them se kish të tjerë para tij, por nëse vërtetë kërkohej rinovim atëherë shokët e Ilir Metës e Luan Ramës duhet të ishin të shumtë në formuet udhëheqëse të kësaj Partie. Heqja e S. Dedes nuk justifikohet as me mekanizmin e votës dhe as me dëshirën e delegatëve në Kongres. Edhe vetëthënqa nuk justifikohet pas kësaj. S. Dede është mënjanuar prej kohësh. Vëzhgimet tona na bëjnë të mendojmë se e kaluara në këtë Parti po fshihet, konservatorja po konservon, ndërsa e reja me ndonjë «ulje» kuptohet se nuk pretet. «ulje» kuptohet se nuk pretet. Ai ishte për P.P.-në, çka nuk u bë kurrë në këtë Parti bile as në Kongresin e I të para ca ditëve nuk u dha asnjë fjali as për E. Hoxhën e as për R. Alinë. Por aty thjesht u bë vendim i një projekt i mbarshëm: Largimi i Spiro Dedes! E them me sinqeritet e unë dhe mjaft shokë të mi socialistë, demokratë apo socialdemokratë e kemi thënë më parë me bindje se do të hiqet Spiro. Por ama që do të vijë G. Ruci, kjo s’na kish shkuar në mend. S’na kish shkuar se ai publikisht është i njohur për mendimet e tij konservatore, për mbrojtjen e konservatorizmit. Është i njohur për tonet bajraktaroeske e gjuhën e qendrimeve të tij, prej «libre të momentit të kaluar». Cilësia e këtyre të përforcuara në kohën që qëndroi edhe ministër i diktaturës qe po shkatërrohej me dashjen e pa dashjen e tij. Nga ana tjetër S. Dede është kundër zgjedhjeve të «ZP»-së ndaj ndërpreseve s’fondove ep[...]ropiane për Shqipërinë, kurse Ilir Meta e të tjerët sa për asaj partie as janë ndier ndel [?] dërgjesë. Pra një mënjanim i një zëvendësimi të më në Partinë Socialiste ka domethënie të madhe, nuk sjell të ndryshme që pritet. Nëse Spiro Dede u mënjanua për të kaluarën e tij, duhet thënë se dhe

— A «trial» interrupted at the International Cultural Centre. By FRROK ÇUPI — There will be no justice as long as politics rules over the law. Interview with Mr. GJEK CELAJ, former head of the Shkodër police during the events of 2 April. IN THE NEXT ISSUE: — Why I love President Berisha and what I criticize him for. By ALEKSANDËR FRANGAJ — The interview with Mr. Gjek Celaj, former head of the police in Shkodër during the events of 2 April, continues, accompanied by an article by the former Deputy Head of the General Investigative Directorate, Mr. FERIT SULA, about the former head of the General Investigative Directorate, Mr. QEMAL LAME.

NEWSPAPER DIRECTOR: NIKOLLË LESI EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: ALEKSANDËR FRANGAJ PUBLISHING COUNCIL: N. LESI, TONIN ÇOBANI (literary critic) AND PASHK PËRVATHI (dictor).

Dear readers, the late publication was not due to any lack of punctuality on the part of our editorial office. The delay was caused by technical problems at the «Mihal Duri» printing house. We hope such cases will not happen again. For this time, we ask your forgiveness.