– The Stifled Democracy – NERITAN CEKA The democratic movement of December was, in fact, an anti-totalitarian front, an alliance of various forces opposed to the communist regime, which took concrete form with the establishment of the Democratic Party. Its founders were students and young intellectuals with democratic ideals rooted in a European vision. They were the ones who rose to their feet and fearlessly led Europe’s most oppressed people against the most brutal communist dictatorship. As such, they symbolized the struggle for freedom, democracy and justice. The second force within this party consisted of communist intellectuals, disillusioned by the failure of the Enverist form of communism and whose vision was the European democracy of Poland and Czechoslovakia in the 1960s, which was limited to permitting pluralism of thought and American assistance in reviving the economy. This was the lifeboat allowed by Ramiz Alia as early as August 1990 to save whatever could be saved from the holed ship. The first groups that made it up opened different paths for realizing their political visions. In this necessity, the period of the Government of Stability was only an episode in the reorganization of forces for a future confrontation between them, because the Socialist Party was identified with the extreme left, which had been defeated. This government was also a temporary necessity, because all political forces had to take responsibility for the inevitable effects of the transition to a market economy, such as unemployment, social assistance, price liberalization, inflation, etc. In resolving these problems, the intellectual group was to shape the political future and direction of the state; with its centrist position, it could moderate the right- and left-wing tendencies of Albanian political parties. Meksi’s leadership and the participation of several intellectuals in government were merely the façade of the real core of the communist-Ballist-Legalist alliance, which seized all the key positions of power in important ministries, in the parliamentary group, in the party, in the diplomatic service, in the intelligence service, etc. Consequently, the vision they proposed was twofold: Eastern European Socialism and the Old Regime. This model was implemented from the top of the state pyramid down to its base, in violation of the fundamental principles of the democratic movement: the rule of law, opposition to the party-state, freedom of thought as freedom of information, etc. The first step was to amend the constitutional law drafted by the DP during the first pluralist legislature, granting the president powers that did not correspond to his status as head of a parliamentary republic. The Eastern European vision becomes quite clear when the president chairs meetings of the party, the parliamentary group and the government; openly interferes with the judicial branch by directing court proceedings or dismissing judges; officially accepts private decorations; and privately and unconstitutionally grants dual citizenship (which could only have been approved by Parliament after a plebiscite and lengthy legal discussion). Mr. Meksi’s government cannot be the result of this European-minded man’s sense of responsibility, because it is built on the primitive Eastern European principle of nepotism. There is no need to repeat the patriarchal connections documented by since it was limited to allowing the advancement of thought and to set in motion whatever could be saved from the holed ship of the PSH. The third group consisted of members of families connected with Zog’s monarchy or with the National Front, but who were also connected to the communists of the second group through friendly or marital relations. It was the latter who recommended them to the DP with the aim of persecuted politi- This alliance managed to unite the democratic forces, which dealt the dictatorship a mortal blow in the March 1991 elections. The complete destruction of this dictatorship was the achievement of the broad popular movement organized by the trade unions in May of that year. From that moment, the alliance had fulfilled its purpose and The premature fall of the Government of Stability therefore marked the premature beginning of the political struggle between groups within the DP, launched unilaterally by the communist-Ballist-Legalist alliance. Nevertheless, the democratic intellectual forces did not respond to this attack, considering it necessary to preserve the groups within the DP until a legal victory over communism, which was achieved through a national spiritual unity on 22 March 1992. This was an expression of the profoundly European nature of the Albanian mentality, which rejects socialism, even in its Eastern European vision. The very days of the Meksi government that emerged from these elections were to show what democratic vision the political forces that came to power were offering Albanians and Europe

— On 31 July 1992, in the town of Shëngjin, as part of the election campaign for the second round of local elections, the gentlemen Pjetër Arbnori, Speaker of the Albanian Parliament, Blerim Çela, chairman of the State Control Commission, Tonin Alimhillhi, DP deputy for Shëngjin, and Abdi Baleta, DP deputy, arrived. Our editor recorded their conversation, so we are publishing excerpts from their statements. We leave the commentary to you, dear readers, especially regarding Baleta’s and Çela’s statements. PJETËR ARBNORI 1 — “Where the DP put forward good candidates, we won…” 2 — “The Democratic Party and the Government will support and assist all communes and municipalities, regardless of whether Socialists or Democrats have won. First and foremost, they are PEOPLE.” ABDI BALETA 1 — “I stress that the Democratic Party would betray the people and the nation if it decided to form a coalition with the Socialist Party.” 2 — “… If I were chairman of the Democratic Party, I guarantee you that nothing would happen to this Party…” 3 — “I will fight against the neocommunist wing of the Democratic Party, such as Frokk Çupi, Preç Zogaj, Gramoz Pashko, Neritan Ceka, Teodor Keko, Mitro Çela and many others, who are in the DP.” 4 — “I insistently ask Azem Hajdari to give up his position as a contributor to the newspaper Koha jonë once and for all.” 5 — “They have told me twenty times that I spied on Nesti Nase when I was working in New York. But I defended him, I did not attack him.” 6 — “As long as Ramiz Alia is alive, democracy in Albania will have a hard time.” BLERIM ÇELA

1 — “The Democratic Government, the Democratic Party, cannot shut down the newspaper ‘Koha jonë’. Still less can the State Control Commission. But, as the state auditors, we uncovered very large-scale corruption carried out by its editor-in-chief, Nikollë Lesi. We reported it, but the General Prosecutor’s Office, the Court and the investigating authorities did not support us. There are many corrupt people in these judicial bodies. We must carry out a major purge in these judicial bodies, and then see what becomes of Nikollë Lesi. 2 — “Where the Socialists have won, the Democratic Government will not help them, even though some of them voted for the DP.” 3 — “Give your votes even to Slobodan Millosheviç, but never to the SP.” 4 — “We won’t let opponents of the democratic government get away, even when they’re on the run.” 5 — “They have told me many not attack him.” 6 — will have a hard time.”

EDUART SELAMI (DP Chairman). The elections of 26 July are a strange step forward. FATOS NANO (SP Chairman). In the elections of 26 July, our people showed that they are determined to move forward along the path of democracy. ISAT CUCLLARI (doctor) Pluralism implies a certain balance of political forces. Otherwise, look what happened. Albania is not weakened further because political parties “fight” one another; on the contrary. ELA MEÇE (economist). If there is no competition in politics, just as in the free market, there can be no progress. Anyone who denies or opposes this is a one-party supporter. It seems to me that the people will choose quite well. A. M. (DP member) This is only one viewpoint, from the inside too. We’ll change our minds in two weeks. Maybe it’s better to leave it as it is, in agreement with E. Hoxha once again. G. G. (SP member) I am happy about the Socialist Party’s victory. I say this openly: the DP is reaping what it has sown. The satisfaction began where the barbarians were left empty-handed. CEMI PROKOM (teacher). The DP started the class struggle on the eve of the local elections. The people had not given it their vote for that. The DP began fighting among itself, eliminating the initiators one after another. The DP allowed all sorts of people to infiltrate its ranks, and even clothed them with power. Many of the DP’s candidates commanded no respect whatsoever among the people. These are some of the reasons why the DP achieved these results in the local elections. Or did Berisha want to unload part of the burden onto the SP! ERMELINDA SULA (saleswoman). What matters to me is the shop, and that whoever wins charges me fewer taxes and duties. I don’t care much about names. SABRI KOLARI (intellectual) I was afraid of a new one-party regime; thank goodness the people understood quickly. Balancing the forces is not bad at all (I mean between the DP and the SP), since the others practically don’t exist. What matters is that the two main political forces compete to outdo one another, not to see who can obstruct and sabotage the other more. Let’s not forget that people can now count properly, including every tooth and molar. They’ve been burned enough. We’re waiting for a race to begin between the communes and municipalities where the DP won and those where the SP won, for ties with the world, for progress and well-being. KEL NDREKA (farmer) No one should boast that this Party gave us this and that the other one will give us who knows what. Every Party and government so far has left us nothing but debts. Through our struggle, through our vote, we are taking what is due to us, what has been our property. PAJTIM ABAZI (worker). Political games are paid for by the workers. Let the parties and their leaders drop the nonsense and get to work creating prospects for work and life for this people. Everything is clear to us now. Whichever party takes power, whether by five more or five fewer, they will implement one program. They have no choice. It is also clear that the longer you keep government officials in power, the more they begin to resemble one another. ILIR DHAMO (Student): The people are getting tired of elections and voting. I hope that, with the rehabilitation of the Socialists, Italy will do more for us. But it would be a misfortune if the discredited former communists came to power in the communes and municipalities where the SP won. On the other hand, let us not forget that the president went to Italy that day, where he was received as well as could be. It seems that now even he is realizing that America is not so far away, but rather close by, across the sea, so there is no reason to let anyone else take the credit and enjoy it. PELLUMB STAROVA (technologist) The absence of A. Hajdari and Pashko and their comrades hurt the DP. This time the SP threw all its strength into the attack. Nevertheless, it is the economic situation and the many difficulties facing the country that are shifting the votes. The people are now understanding the importance of their vote, but they must be prepared to vote often. In the world, people vote even on a law. So let’s not be disheartened, because we have only just begun. Prepared by: ZEF SHTJEFNI

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