ARBEN IMAMI THE MOTION I. What is a motion? The parliamentary group of the socialists, by the overall stance it holds toward the government, is the largest opposition force in parliament. As such, it has the political duty to exercise its oversight over the government’s actions by using all parliamentary means. It is the right and duty of the opposition at least to try to place the majority in a difficult position, by showing the public its sins. It is true that the criterion for an opposition vote must, in every case, be the interests of the people and not the narrow interests of the opposition. This is a principle that is as old as it is new. Ashku would not bother the majority over minor, insignificant matters if he were convinced that he would lose the support of the masses. No one can invent a vote of no confidence without arguments. No one can move a vote of no confidence without compelling reasons, unless he is an incompetent and adventurous politician. No one can use a constitutional instrument to insult, offend, criticize, etc. a government that is at the beginning of its mandate. Such a thing cannot have the support of public opinion. No one can table a vote of no confidence without arguments, unless he is driven by speculation and sick ideological passions. Nevertheless, for us as the opposition, a vote of no confidence is still far off. It is an extreme political and constitutional instrument, which is primarily used by the majority. As happened with the government of Ylli Bufi, which was brought down through the non-vote of its program. The socialists did not vote for Mr. Bufi either during the procedure for his election as prime minister or during the presentation of his government program. As can be seen, this opposition is consistent. But why, then, did Mr. Bufi not receive the necessary votes? Quite rightly, one could ask that. Naturally, he did not receive the necessary votes because of his declining popularity as a public figure and chairman. Moreover, he did not receive the necessary votes because opposition to him had been spreading and hardening within PD. The emergence of this group into the open through the free and secret vote marked the degradation of part of the party leadership, a sudden split within it. The motion does not include the motives and reasons for dismissing a prime minister, only as a parliamentary instrument. It is also a manifestation of the political relations between the parliamentary majority and the government, a way to measure the level of confidence of the deputies of a majority toward its leader, other officials and the entire government, as well as its work. The expected appointment of Aleksandër Meksi to the post of prime minister has caused great panic among supporters of the painted government. They are doing everything possible to seize control of the fate of the government and the smooth movement of reforms without being affected by political, economic and organizational changes. This is the reason they are opposing the replacement of the government so strongly. II. Is a motion possible against the current government? Since it is a newly formed government, practically, neither officially nor politically, it cannot be considered to have lost the parliamentary majority. As is known, the majority of Democratic deputies voted for the prime minister and his government. On this objective, PD has followed a disorderly and unclear course. Sometimes it fears electoral defeat and encourages the game of premature changes in the cabinet; sometimes it enthusiastically launches measured plans and ideas to carry the government through to the end; sometimes it makes hasty moves that give the impression that they are guided not by reasoned obligations but by momentary impulses; sometimes it mobilizes the entire state in an unprecedented demonstrative attack against opposition movements, violating the Constitution and the laws. In this way, it is presenting itself to the world as a force completely unprepared for governing. If a motion were set in motion against the current government, then one of the following conditions would have to be met: first, the current head of government would have to have hopelessly lost the confidence of his own party, in relation to the new prime minister. Has this happened? No. That is clear. Second, the majority would have to consider the survival of this cabinet for a few months unnecessary, on the grounds that this would only make its departure even more inevitable and painful. Third, a group of deputies would have to have decided to vote against the government, in the hope that a reshaping of the cabinet would create a new record for the upcoming elections. Does this climate exist? I do not believe so. For this reason, I think the motion is more a newspaper speculation than a genuine parliamentary issue. (to be continued on page 3)

PLENART KREÇËJONI NËPËRZIT At a time when phenomena that seem almost medieval, such as cholera, are being discussed, the situation in Albania is not considered so worrying. According to specialists and senior health officials, this depends on the measures taken since the moment the situation worsened in Yugoslavia. But until the first cases of cholera appear in Albania, should Albanians be worried? The curiosity aroused by this disease, which has long disappeared in Europe, is linked to at least three reasons. First, this is a current disease. In Asian and African countries it claims thousands upon thousands of victims every year. In Yugoslavia the epidemic began at the end of June and more than 20 people have died from this disease. The risk is especially great for us, because it is linked to the heavy flow of people across the borders of different districts as well as to the uncontrolled movement of people from one side to the other. Second, this disease is little known in our country. Our specialists have encountered it only in the literature, while suspected cases have been rare and entirely sporadic. Third, the name itself brings to mind medieval conditions, so psychological fear is often stronger than reason. The Ministry of Health has announced that measures have been taken to monitor border crossings, carry out disinfection and strengthen the epidemiological service. The population is advised to respect hygiene rules, use boiled or treated water, and avoid unsafe food. Doctors have been placed on standby and hospitals have been instructed on how to treat possible cases. TV facing the news The events in Poliçan shook and at the same time undermined public opinion’s trust in the absence of accurate information caused by the scandalous broadcasts in the descriptions. Could public television have handled it differently? The broadcasts only once, which did not last any defamation from the parties. At a certain moment, being uninformed means being on TV chose very carefully not to misinform the public with its news. TV remained with the doubtful assessment until everything had been clarified. Was this a lack of information? No. When information has not been verified, silence is better than false alarm. This case also showed how necessary a professional television is, beyond the influence of daily politics and sensationalism. Only such a media outlet can serve society without harming it. (to be continued on page 3)

ALEKSANDËR FRANGAJ Just listen to the latest statement in Poliçan by Jordin Naçe or the opinion of S. Kondi to understand that the new class of business, which is directing the strike-demonstration, is S. Kondo of balances and the word of responsibility, a Dejvi, since apparently someone has tasked him with interpreting concerns and opinion whenever he sees fit, without asking him. Mr. Kondi’s yesterday statements about the “wall posters” of the newly returned socialism, issued, if I am not mistaken, for the first time on Wednesday by the announcer of the Albanian Public Television, sounded cynical and provoked laughter such as that aroused by the ability to organize inclusive meetings in an old apartment building. Only if such statements are not accompanied by calmness and mutual respect can they turn into a spark for unrest. What is happening in the town of Poliçan has been stamped as an “anti-state demonstration.” The news was confirmed with great solemnity by a leader of the Salvation Committee and was carried with pathos by the state screen. How easy it is to change labels when there is no courage to look at the real causes of the revolt. Around 2,000 workers at the weapons plant have erupted in protest not because someone whispered in their ear, but because for months they have not received wages, because they do not have bread, because they feel betrayed by unfulfilled promises and because their future has been left hanging. This is precisely the heart of the problem. A strike does not arise from the desire to challenge the state; it arises from the inability to live normally. When work is not paid, when enterprises are heading toward bankruptcy, when families are left without means of livelihood, then social explosion becomes inevitable. And as if that were not enough, the new government has come with a language that at times reminds one more of orders than dialogue. It is regrettable that instead of an effort to understand the situation, what comes instead are labels: communists, reactionaries, nostalgics, enemies of reform. With this approach, not only is nothing solved, but anger increases and trust is lost. And who can claim that the workers of Poliçan are manipulating the situation when their only demand is bread for their children and job security? This is happening because the government still does not have a serious answer for the military factories, for employment, for industrial transition. Instead of a clear program, emotional statements and indirect threats are given. This is not a way out. If the state considers every protest an enemy opposition, then it risks entering into conflict with society itself. The workers of Poliçan are neither worse nor less patriotic than others. They are people seeking to live with dignity. Even if among them there are some who remember the old system with sympathy, that does not make their protest illegal. History cannot be erased by administrative order, nor can poverty be translated into political conspiracy. In the end, the question remains simple: will the government have the courage to sit down with them and talk, or will it continue to see the strikers as a manipulated crowd? If the second path is chosen, the consequence will be not only a deepening of the social crisis, but also the discrediting of a power that came in the name of democracy. (to be continued on page 3)

The events in Poliçan shook and at the same time undermined public opinion’s trust in the absence of accurate information caused by the scandalous broadcasts in the descriptions. Could public television have handled it differently? The broadcasts only once, which did not last any [...]? from the parties. At a certain moment, not informed means [...]? TV chose very carefully not to misinform the public with its news. TV remained with the doubtful assessment until everything had been clarified. (to be continued on page 3)

The untimely death of journalist SOKOL MUHO saddened not only his relatives, but also, with sacrifice, his colleagues. Today Muho, journalist for the SD alternative, and his father-in-law, Aleksandër Veroq[?], died at the age of 36, thus causing our journalism a great loss. We express here to the family and friends our sincere condolences and encouragement and encouragement. The editorial staff of «Koha Jonë»

The editorial staff of «Koha Jonë»