The Pope in Albania. Albania once again before its historic chance Tomorrow, His Holiness, the spiritual leader in the world, is Pope John Paul II. The two situations in the title of this editorial are seen, to some extent, with a certain unity between Albania and the world. Placed in this way by my insistence, as much in a retrospective as in a comparison, they make both of these things belong to one another, which makes wholeness difficult, if not impossible, for a reassessment and repair of judgment. Indeed, it struggles for the survival of the independence of a small country, left to no one, assisted in drowsiness and half-sleep by friends and enemies alike. And all this for a thousand and one reasons, more for a thousand and one wrongs, makes you think of a thousand and one events, a thousand and one illustrations, and a thousand and one implications. First, in a single sentence of general value, Albania as a whole intervened in a prayer; the Pope, with the word chance, and therefore with a power mixed with reasoning. From such a short deduction, one can say: the Pope's arrival helps and does not harm. This also comes from an elementary fact: while, at a time when with it the true and distorted history of its own, the souls in Albania are as troubled as the minds, a figure of his status is likely to penetrate conscience more than a group of arguments. Relations with the Pope and with the Holy See have moved in Albania in two directions. One has been direct, through recognition, reconciliation and other things. At the end of the Middle Ages, despite its echo, Albania was the first country in Europe to establish relations with the Vatican. In the document and message that accompanied it, with figurative dimensions, among our pagans and the centuries, it seems there were texts beginning: O Holy One! The peace with so much neighboringness from the Bosphorus flies with us, this is an old word as old as itself between shadows and light. In the centuries that followed up to the 20th, for a negligible part of the population, Albania's closure to this opening was not simply ordinary. The Pope's arrival was, in a certain sense, a breaking open of a door that had not been unfastened. The Pope in Albania means, above all, two things. One is that he comes as the personification of a moral vertical in a country where morality has become rare in public life, and the other is that he comes as an international figure who turns the country into unusual focus. The latter is no small thing for a small country, where symbolism often carries more weight than statistics. On the other hand, his arrival comes after a long period of loneliness and denial. Yesterday's Albania had shut itself off against religion and against the world. Today's Albania needs a major correction of itself. This is not about replacing one myth with another, but about reminding itself that the road to freedom also needs institutions, conscience, and a new culture of civilization. This occasion is therefore a test. It can be a test of our public dignity, of the ability to welcome such a figure without provincial noise and without servile submission. It can also be a test of the state, of order, and of our civic culture. In a way, the Pope's visit does not only ask us whether we know how to receive a guest; it asks us whether we know how to be a home. (To be continued on page 3)

For a few days now, in today's attention there has been, in an exaggerated way, it was. Right-wing and left-wing corruption. Where is the people staying? Frok Çupi For a few days now, in today's attention there has been, in an exaggerated way, it was, a sterilely fabricated discussion around accusing the Party of honor, especially against the Balli Kombëtar, by thinking of others the problem that is perhaps bigger than to be replaced. The IPD against Balli, brought forth and presented, is at most as schematic tonight as that which — with culture, without schema —. All of them are in a weak intellect and minds without corruption, but in fact, and they are not all of them, the accusations also blow and the backwardness, accusing the left, or another filth with another, with the failures of Albania. Is it worth lingering on who, the people of it, had against and how much did these go? Is there a leader? We have been put in the jaws, but advanced, and the hand of what I eshilonja. This comes completely few in the 29th of April? but for the throat for one for an indefinite period. In this sense, we need to get out of the endless game of accusations and return to the essence: corruption is not the property of one side, but a disease of an entire system. If only one side is attacked and silence is kept about the other, then we do not have justice, but political use of morality. THE PEOPLE ARE NOTHING, THE PEOPLE ARE ALSO

Who put the stone in the road of reform? Now we all see it. At the session on 21 April, Parliament examined the draft law "On some improvements to the overall body of former agricultural land properties and the remainders." What does this mean? What especially stands out in the debate held in the Parliament's free session, particularly among the deputies of the Environmental Agrarian Party, is that they saw this Parliament and its action not as an opportunity to improve, institutionalize, and legally validate the distribution of agricultural land, but rather as a way to make the farmer's free activity as problematic as possible. More precisely: the deputies of the PAA try to drag things back toward a distant past which, far from being a calm and harmonious order with individual freedom, has left behind a past marked by the assertion of property and the violence of expropriation. This is because, even in the democratic parliamentary group, and with the support of a part of the socialists—entirely socialist as well?—does even the Parliament need this kind of market-place militancy? The government and the Minister of Agriculture, Petrit Ruka, are making a continuous effort to create conditions for minimizing property-related problems, in which he too has overstepped, and there is work to be done to reduce mistakes and calm insecurity in the countryside. They follow through the state with fairness and also give plenty as they should for the development of the peasantry, as a demand of society? Does even the Parliament need this obstacle? The assembly raises important questions. What stands out first is that these agrarian deputies have turned the issue of property not into a calming topic, but into an instrument of political struggle. Could someone have clouded the view with fog instead of light? Would this way of looking at reform be in the interest of citizens as a whole? In the end, of course, in a country seeking to emerge from the property crisis, there should be more care for a clear path and not for a foggy return. The times and the land are doing something else.

Today, in the Tirana District Court, which had been set to begin at 10:00, the trial of the deputy editor-in-chief of the newspaper "Koha Jonë", Aleksandër Frangaj, was to take place, on the charge of inciting religious hatred. With request number 453/1, signed on 22 April, at the request of the head of the Kurbini internal affairs branch, Geç Kuderi, the suspension of this trial was changed by a decision of the Kurbini District Court. The prosecution side, according to the complaint and the original text of the alleged defamation, claims that Frangaj damaged the institution of the Church through an article published a few days earlier. This document also stated that, due to the absence of witnesses and procedural uncertainties, the court session would not be opened today, but would be announced again at a later date. NOTE.