The capital’s police on highest alert. Zani mediates a compromise. Hostages released after 5 hours. Page 2 The capital’s police on highest alert. Zani mediates a compromise. Hostages released after 5 hours Page 2 Revolt at Tirana Prison

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P. 6 Signs of a possible resumption of activity Administrators revive Kamberi P. 11 Reportage / Hani i Hotit holds the city hostage Shkodra, or the capital of poverty P. 12 Symbolic graves near the plot of those buried in the Canal Vlora: 15 new graves for Otanton P. 13 “Koha Jonë” today with 32 pages Price: 50 lek

Police officers in action to free the hostages Interior Minister Ceka speaks about illegal trafficking State officials in smuggling “Smuggling is protected by old networks established within state structures. Not all the links are working.” This has meant that the fight against it has not been very effective,” Interior Minister Neritan Ceka said yesterday. He points to the serious disagreements between the justice authorities, customs structures and the police force, which have meant that throughout this period, while smuggling has flourished, not a single perpetrator has been punished.

. The clashes that began some time ago between the largest borrowing company, “VEFA,” and the government drew the justice system into the conflict as well, above all the Constitutional Court, which represents the guarantee that the constitutional provisions under which the country is governed are respected. Setting aside the decisions of courts at various levels, what stands out above all in this “odyssey” of transparency at the “VEFA” company is the fact that the Constitutional Court rejected the government’s decisions more than once, as well as the People’s Assembly’s attempts to turn them into laws. Thus, the Constitutional Court first ruled in favor of the boss of the “VEFA” company, Alimuçaj, who challenged the procedures for implementing transparency in borrowing companies; later, this same court deemed invalid a parliamentary amendment to a law, which sought to remove the legal barrier that pre- [text as printed: “pen- barrier ligjore që pengonte”] prevented the launch of transparency. Furthermore, just days ago, the Constitutional Court responded negatively to the parliamentary majority’s reaction against changes to the Court’s composition, deeming them incompatible with the Constitutional Provisions. But more than the question of who is right, something else is troubling: the legal knowledge of Albanian politicians, particularly those who today represent the parliamentary majority, who seem to lack the legal knowledge needed to defend their claims with reasoned arguments. At least so far, the Constitutional Court’s “baggage” seems superior in this respect. Under these circumstances, if we accept as true the hypotheses that the Constitutional Court is playing Berisha’s game, then, after this prolonged conflict between the government and the Court, one of the parties must give way to the other. There is no need even to draw on foreign experience in this regard. In Zog’s Albania, 70 years ago, following several clashes of this kind between various institutions, the king would change as an institution outside and above the parties, dissolving one of the parties to the conflict when it had the legal framework but was outside the bounds of the law. Bearing this positive experience in mind, the indifference of the president’s office to the conflict described above cannot help but attract attention. President Meidani, after leaving his party, although he has placed himself outside the parties, perhaps does not feel able to play the role of referee in clashes between institutions. But who, then, should act as referee in this conflict between the legislature and the institution that guarantees respect for the law? GAVROSH LEVONJA