After yesterday’s strange meeting between Rugova and Millosheviç By Nikollë Lesi Yesterday, Albanians were confronted with a fact that sent shivers down their spines, given the sacrifices being made by an entire nation, like ours: we learned that Kosovo’s president, Ibrahim Rugova, had met with the Serbian dictator, Slobodan Millosheviç. At least, that was what the film footage seemed to suggest, if it was genuine. Nevertheless, all the news agencies, radio and television stations, and the media in general reported their meeting as a surprise, or, as the popular saying goes, “a bolt from a clear sky.” How is it possible that while NATO was intensifying its attacks to force the Serbian dictator to accept the West’s terms, just after Russian Prime Minister Primakov’s meeting with Millosheviç had failed, while the UÇK was growing stronger in preparation for attacking Serbian positions, while the tears of Kosovo’s mothers, children, and elderly had not yet dried from the television screens around the world, and while the many people killed in Kosovo were crying out for retribution and justice, he—Rugova—agreed to issue a call from the offices of Millosheviç’s presidential palace for “NATO to stop the bombing,” and, worse still, dared to appear alongside a man who will be remembered for generations as the killer of a nation, Millosheviç. How is this possible?! Several hypotheses and scenarios have been put forward regarding the meeting. The first scenario: the Serbs forced Rugova to speak that way and to meet with the Serbian dictator. Even if this scenario can be accepted, the Kosovo leader still cannot be justified before his people, murdered and massacred by the Serb Millosheviç, with whom Rugova yesterday (continued on page 2)

Serbian dictator Millosheviç and Ibrahim Rugova photo REUTERS By Ben Blushi During the past ten years, ever since Kosovo was stripped of its autonomous status in 1989, the unknown has perhaps been the greatest enemy. If well-meaning critics, Albanian and foreign, claim that a great deal of time has been lost over Kosovo, one reason has also been this: it was not known, and could not be defined, what consensual status might be accepted by all three parties: the Serbs, the Albanians, and the International Community. No proposal could be imposed on the other side. In every case, someone’s fingers—or their entire limbs—would stick out from under the blanket. Today, however, after the bombings, the vision of Kosovo has changed. Consensus has not vindicated the earthly predictors and prophets. The imposed consensus that included Serbia no longer exists. It has been definitively replaced by an imposed consensus that excludes Serbia. Under these circumstances, it is no longer difficult to imagine Kosovo’s tomorrow. It is no longer difficult to see what will emerge from the burned-out structures of Kosovo’s homes. It is no longer difficult for the International Community to accept and defend Kosovo’s separation from Serbia. This is thanks to the radical solution of the strike, which, if it does not provide some clear answers for today—or, in other words, for the “middle of the game”—has at least irrevocably determined the “end of the game.” Kosovo’s removal from Serbian political and military control is certain. It is being achieved. Nevertheless, the thinking and effort involved in finding the idea—and consequently the status—that will work technically on the ground remain unresolved. They still need to be examined and discussed. Freedom requires certain rules and circumstances in order to be recognized as such, to function as such, and to be enjoyed as such. This is precisely what the struggle is about: getting others, ideally everyone, to accept our freedom. And Kosovo is on this path. But progress requires its own rules. (continued on page 2) Serbian dictator Millosheviç and Ibrahim Rugova — photo REUTERS

Albanian politicians on the Rugova-Millosheviç meeting P. 24

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