The brother of Izet Haxhisë, the former bodyguard of the PD chairman, reveals Berisha’s backstage maneuvers, after the accusation that he was an accomplice in the murder of Azem Hajdari “Berisha killed Azem and wants to kill us too” Public letter addressed to the PD leader - commander of the military operation in March-May 1997 in the Fier area page 3

GAVROSH LEVONJA In recent times, developments in the party with which Berisha has increasingly tied himself ever more closely, through the rank and force of the man who owns it, shaped by the events of 1997, have once again strengthened beyond the logic of internal party structures and discipline, while on the other hand they stem from the various races for the nominee and for being called as close as possible to the leadership; and the latter is even more evident among those who, through calculation, have now understood that they are losing in number as a matter of principle and expect to be winners in principle. This is because having already secured this makes it impossible in the future to illuminate the party and democracy, especially in favor of anti-group interests and personal interests. If there are doubts or disproportionate satisfactions, otherwise this will not happen. Berisha’s latest conflict with the deputy speaker of the PD parliamentary assembly, Jozefina Topalli, whether from the position of chairman or without it, and especially over the way the party is being organized in the branches and sections for the return of the political institution of the country’s second political force, has drawn the attention of all those who have understood and firmly affirm the legitimacy of his role in shaping Albanian politics. In fact, the clash and the expected silence will never lead far, but there is a need to clarify many of the opposition leader’s actions in the latest capture of it by militantism-cooperation and denial of democracy. Since Berisha has appeared from the beginning of the student movement and political pluralism in Albania as anti-communist and anti-Stalinist, while the culture and silence of the majority of the leaders of this force is remembered and preserved in the form of the old Bolshevik doctrine and teaching of the state, linked to the official who holds and carries out the order in the name of the party, we immediately nevertheless think of the distinction that must be made between the two. Thus, since in relation to anti-democratic forms and to dominate throughout the life of the political organism in width and length by the individual, party organs can often also be built that give a decision-making role, one must not underestimate not only the consequences of the current situation but also the possibilities that must be created to get out of it. It is certain to say that if reforms and democratization are not thought through with a view to invigorating, in the name of the current orientation and for the future of Albanian democracy and the force against parties, then in Albanian politics the method of command, the cutting down of the opponent, and the forcible molding of everything under the name of the single leader would once again prevail. So at this point the open struggle for power and interests that emerge and hide under the guise of party discipline has nothing to do with internal democracy. This must be accepted as clearly as possible in the leading forums and parliamentary structures of PD, regardless of any temporary calming and internal agreements to preserve the physical balance of leaders from the different currents in the party. If the revival of a political force continues to falter, if there will be enough anti-opposition forces from the older command structures born of inertia and ignoring the will of minorities and majorities, whether these are officials within the party or not, the problem will not be solved. On the contrary, it is hardly what is keeping alive today a new governing political force in the country. This is because such behavior is not without effects on the political and social environment that gave rise to it and nourished it. They can create dangerous climates for the confrontation of parties with one another and with public opinion. In the final analysis, political battle is not made with orders but with conviction. Therefore, any insistence on replacing the freedom of discussion with uniformity would damage not only the Albanian right, but Albanian democracy itself. (Gazeta shqiptare 12.12.1999)

KESH: “Global”, the electricity bills are not ours The revolt of Tirana students over the increase in tariffs has led to a standoff in the Albanian energy sector. The total of the corporation’s bills amounts to around 40 million lek a month, which families and urban institutions are supposed to pay for rent, KESH payments and privatization. KESH is describing the billing system as “Global”, as is reflected in the payment for street lighting in Tirana, but KESH has officially denied that urban payment bills are linked to any other government or private entity. Despite talk of a payment scheme by KESH state institutions, according to it, an order has been issued that does not affect only the strata and [?]. Photo L. Floqi

Isa Mustafë I. HAXHIJ (signature) (seal) The scandal is ignited by the facsimile of the letter that was sent to the “Koha Jonë” newspaper

Poisoning of workers, The Institute of Health had raised the alarm page 13

19 December 1999 1,000 Super-Bingo prizes of 10,000 lek each (new) 5 Të-Lejmo prizes of 1,000,000 lek each (new) 1 Maxi-Bingo prize of 500,000 lek (new) 1 Super-Bingo prize of 150,000 lek (new)