Crime erupts once again. Just yesterday, 6 killed and 8 wounded Albania needs one year of dictatorship against crime pages 7, 9–10

By ENTON ABILEKAJ The issues of territories, minorities and emigrants were merely the commercial cover for the heated “paidhakë” served up to the Albanians at the Greek table. While Simitis served the traditional dish, Meta could hardly wait for the main course, the one not cooked in Greece but in the North Atlantic. For this reason, he had filled the delegation with the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Economy and Privatization, and the Coordinator of the Stability Pact. This time it seemed that Meta had clear offers regarding the vision for the Balkans in the year 2000. The offer was reflected not only in the presence of Pashko, recently returned from Italy, where he had discussed the Stability Pact, but also in the cool observation by the 30-year-old prime minister that Greece comes immediately after Italy (which is first) in Albania’s trade relations. What was also clear when the two prime ministers appeared before the press was that Meta’s observation above was not a provocation, but an implication. His Greek counterpart, who continues to seek leadership of the Balkans through the Stability Pact, did not seem very pleased with this situation and could do nothing but dwell on the past. It was not difficult to see that Greece was insistently seeking Albania’s consensus in order to become the leading state of the future Balkans. For some time, the southern neighbors have sought to lead at least the development of Northern Albania. They began their journey with the territories of Northern Epirus, with Greek schools, with Himarë, and with the enrichment of the southern part coveted by their grandfathers. They continued along this path by insisting on history and on Kosovo’s separation from the North Atlantic (NATO), during the war in Kosovo. But, in the view of Albanian politics, the chosen path is not Greece’s main transgression. Athens continues to show that if it (or Thessaloniki) were the capital of the Balkans, this would not mean comprehensive relations, security and partnership without prejudice for Albanians. This is because Greek politics, which tries to demonstrate superiority, control and a lack of concern for Albania, does not behave this way in cases involving historical and religious alliances, when it is ready to set Athens ablaze and forget the pragmatic interests that benefit it more than beautiful dreams with history books beneath the pillow. All the more so because, after the questionable agreement, the textbooks will no longer have negative characters of Albanian nationality and positive characters imbued with anti-Albanian sentiment.

Page 11 Azem Hajdari in ’96, followed by the police on Berisha’s orders Photo A. Babani

Athens, secret talks with the US ambassador to Greece During his official visit to Greece, the Albanian prime minister also held an unofficial meeting with the US ambassador to Greece, Nicolas Burns. It is not known why their meeting took place in one of the rooms of the hotel where Meta was staying, or what was discussed; but when Albanian journalists asked, the prime minister merely shrugged, implying that he could not comment to the media. Meta’s stance seems somewhat surprising at a time when he has always been open with the media. Perhaps there was something secret in their conversation, but in any case the Albanian prime minister should be more open with the press, and not only when it suits his “Alliance for the State” government. Nevertheless, their secret meeting did not remain secret, since some Greek journalists received a tip from hotel employees that the US ambassador was in a room with Meta under tight security. It would be good for the prime minister’s spokesperson, Mesila Doda, to be more transparent in her answers, even when asked direct questions about the secret Meta-Nicolas Burns meeting. Burns is a former spokesperson for the US State Department.