Distributed from Vlora throughout the South Skrapar, the Prefecture against the Municipality over Greek maps in eight-year schools page 11

BY GAVROSH LEVONJA A modern statute, modeled on the parties of the West, and its rigorous implementation were Nano’s “battle horse,” with which he returned to the head of the party a few months ago. This clearly shows that the Socialist leader had understood that future electoral battles could be won only with a disciplined political formation. At the same time, in this context, the head of the PS, bearing in mind the electorate’s degree of sensitivity to corruption at the time, also came forward with the idea of “fighting corruption within the party’s structures.” However, during the period so far at the head of the party, Nano’s activity focused more on a few meetings at the grassroots or participation in activities of sister parties—including an insignificant party in Montenegro—than on strengthening party discipline or turning his weapons against corruption. Faced with this reality, the long-standing conviction that “Nano is a politician of fine words that are never turned into deeds” was gaining ground in public opinion. This was most evident a few months ago when the Socialist leader, in an effort to respect the statute, did not insist that some party figures give up holding two posts. As for corruption, after all these months, Nano raised his voice only at the PS KPD meeting held in Korçë. Another problem related to this months-long silence is the “anti-corruption” propaganda campaign that opposition leader Berisha is conducting at his rallies throughout Albania. Quite a few circles interpret Nano’s silence on this issue as having the appearance of a pact among the corrupt to shield themselves from Berisha’s accusatory rhetoric. Indeed, this hypothesis becomes even more credible when one considers the objections raised against him in Korçë by some well-known PS figures. If we go by the experience so far, Nano is expected to abandon, even if only temporarily, the idea of backing the corrupt and other violators of party laws and statutes into a corner. But now that the PS leader has “cast the dice,” if this were to happen, it would be another political suicide that would mark the end of his political career. Not only that, but any hesitation concerning the rigorous implementation of the statute should lead him toward inevitable resignation. Consequently, Nano is compelled to continue the challenge against the corrupt in government and in the PS structures. Their second step in government or in the PS structures, the second step in this direction, would be to place all the “sinners” under scrutiny, whoever they may be. This would also have a positive effect on Prime Minister Meta, who, freed from illusions, could steer his own helm away from the corruption that risks spreading its metastases throughout his cabinet. Finally, this would minimize the effects of Berisha’s current campaign, whose echo is government corruption.

page 3 The coalition’s final meeting

Duty-free goods are destroying producers They could take it no longer, so Kuksian potato producers, who are going bankrupt because of the state’s absence, have appealed to the prime minister. Albanians are going bankrupt because foreigners bring goods into Albania without paying customs duties and, as a result, sell them more cheaply than goods produced through hard work and under difficult conditions in Albania. Potato producers are complaining, and they are not the only ones suffering from a policy directed against domestic production. This policy has spread to all agricultural products, because the State neither provides loans nor protects domestic production, which, although more expensive, remains fresher than imported goods. Moreover, the money Albanians spend on their daily food ends up in the pockets of neighboring countries, while poverty grows. page 8