The Albanian people have, for the first time, managed to gain the right to take part in free, pluralist elections. Before these elections, we are offering this people our program for the future. We do not boast at all that this is «tout pour le mieux dans le meilleur des mondes possibles» (everything for the best in this, the best of all possible worlds). Let us leave that boast about its own achievements to the other program, the alternative to ours, which the PPSH has offered for some time. Nor would we wish to debate here the past and stir the people's memory about the failures of 46 years, which they know very well. We will leave it to the Albanian voter, who for the first time will be alone in the secret booth, before the ballot box, to have the necessary knowledge and conviction about which program for their future to vote for. The Democratic Party does not impose anything on voters, both because this is contrary to every principle of democracy and tolerance, for which we are fighting, and because, even if we wished to do so, we have neither the means nor the time that our rivals, who have drawn their swords, have had and still have. In other words, through our program we express only the ideal of the DP, the paths and means for transforming our society; we seek to make Albania like all of Europe, which is also the motto of the movement for democracy from which it emerged, and nobody else's. It was left to the state to deal with it, and through the state, by means of...? Thus, if everyone was considered equal, to use Orwell's expression, some became more equal than others. On this basis, society and the collective—in short, the anonymous—stood above the individual, though behind them stood the high office acting in their name, determining his life, his being, his soul. We wish to correct this handicap, not with patches but with surgery. We offer an alternative: the family as the cell of society, and personal property as a condition of existence that defines a person's individuality. This property guarantees the Albanian citizen not only individuality, but also the right to express their abilities, to gain or lose according to the risk they themselves undertake, according to the effort and sweat they have invested. Ownership of property recognizes a person's right to determine their own fate and to leave judgment to the objective forces that guide society, to democratic movements determined by the majority. An educated sense of individuality deprives any group of people of the right to give itself permission to speak in the people's name and to make the people guilty or complicit whenever it wishes. Our program calls for the right to private property to be enshrined in the constitution and protected by law, and for the right of anyone to expropriate at any time to be abolished. We propose our alternative: workers should become shareholders in their factories. In this way they will be able to touch with their own hands what is truly called their property. It will belong exclusively to them and be protected by law. If they wish, they can keep their shares; and if the enterprise's profits rise, so will the profit they derive from the share, which entitles them to a portion of the profits. As owners, they have the right to hold managers to account, because their own profits will depend directly on whether the managers do their jobs well or badly. But that is not all: a share can be sold and bought, and a share that yields a good profit can be sold at a higher price than its original price. The holder of the share will therefore have an interest in the enterprise whose share they own not only doing well, but also offering good prospects, so that it secures not only profits but also a higher resale value for their share. Naturally, after the change of status, some may lose and some may gain, but we would all agree if the latter were the more capable and competent, rather than complaining, as we have for 46 years, because the incompetent are benefiting. The privatization of the economy we propose also brings land into the process. As is known, agrarian reform began with the slogan, “The land belongs to the person who works it.” In 1946, it gave land to the peasants and turned them into private owners. But social ownership soon took over. It would be instructive to understand the peasants' circumstances and the terrible mistakes made along this road, from collectivization to restrictions and the decisions taken two years ago to forcibly seize livestock or drive peasants out of the rural market. We do not want to lay bare the disasters in this article. But we must say a few words about the guarantee needed to ensure that these things never happen again. And this is not to buy votes, but for the sake of social justice. Private ownership of land and livestock, guaranteed by law and protected by an impartial court, is one such guarantee. Let us be clear: as for the- in which they have unsheathed their swords. In other words, with to achieve so that we can motto of the movement for democracy from which the Democratic Party emerged. Our program is an alternative intended to begin laying the foundations of a modern society in Albania. It is based on the only possible alternative, already tested throughout Europe: the alternative that aspires, first and foremost, to freedom and human rights, which are conditioned, first and foremost, by every individual’s right to possess and manage private property. From this also stems the democracy we offer, as well as social equality and its guarantee by law. Let us put our idea of social transformation into plain language, offering readers our alternatives to the LPP program, which they know well. For 46 years, the basis of Albanian society’s life was and remains social property, the property of the entire people. These were grand words, and in reality they made this property belong to everyone so that any group of people who happened to be in charge could speak in the people’s name and make the people guilty or complicit whenever they wished. for the removal of the public authorities’ right to damage it subjectively and administratively. The right to property is recognized equally for every citizen; every kind of thing and every law is recognized equally for every citizen. This interpretation is by no means an import, but rather a conclusion drawn from our bitter experience—that of speculation with so-called social equality. How can this equal right with respect to social wealth be realized? The true owners, the citizens, have two options before them: either the state acts in their name, as it has for 46 years, including through some so-called economic mechanism, or they become the direct owners of social wealth. We will not dwell on the mechanism proposed today by the LPP, about which, in just a few months, it has issued more laws and decrees than

4 FEBRUARY — A SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE AGAINST TERROR Here, in this very Tirana, 4 February happened. The bloody terror of 1944 took place: terrifying tricycles, the savage cries of Nazi-fascists, doors being smashed in, revolvers, machine guns, shots fired again. Stop! Stand still! More shots. A voice at the end of the street, cries, children's screams, women's voices in distress, mothers' pleas... A terrible night, terribly long. May it never come again! Then a morning that came too soon, cold and bloodied. Around 80 sons and daughters of mothers had fallen to bullets and daggers, and it was not known exactly how many they were, who they were, or where they were. Along the alleyways, among cartridge cases and trails of blood, someone moved about distributing the newspaper «Bashkimi i Kombit», whose lead article read, «Blood demands blood». The inhuman Nazi-fascist beast, just as it was sensing its own death, savagely attacked human lives and demanded blood. It sought revenge for the just and humane war our fighter was waging to win freedom, to have rights and democracy. The terror of the Nazi-fascists sought to frighten and separate the sons and daughters of the people from the liberation war led by the communists, by the Communist Party of Albania, with Enver Hoxha at its head. The tragic event of 4 February was commemorated by the Communist Party's Tirana district committee in this leaflet: «Remember 4 February, remember the martyrs... Know well that only resistance and struggle create an independent Albania, a free Albania». Hundreds of times, in newspaper and book pages and in veterans' conversations, the events of 4 February have been placed beneath the words «Remember, do not forget». Whenever we see these two words written, we know it is 4 February: Remember, do not forget! But it was precisely through the spaces between those two words of appeal that an entire memory flowed and became a burden. It was forgotten that the sons and daughters of the people, the people themselves, went to war for freedom and democracy, not to fight for dictatorship and war. As this was gradually forgotten, over four decades the system of dictatorship was established in Albania under the title of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship of the proletariat was in the primary-school textbook, on the façade of the nursery, in the Constitution, at the entrance to the apartment-block stairwell, at the bakery, in the civil registry office, in the scientist's dissertation, and by the roadside leading up to the mountain pastures. Everywhere you felt the pressure of dictatorship. It was impossible to tell where it came from: the internal affairs branch, a civilian far off by the wall, a kindly fellow who flattered you, a pupil speaking on their own? From the earth? From the air? You did not know where it came from. In the end, you could not speak freely; you could not openly oppose a secretary or a chairman, much less a leader of the «democratic state». Democracy existed only by strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat. Only approve or keep quiet! Why are you silent? Have you got something to hide?! Did you break the rules? Transfer, with all your children. You spoke? To prison, to... eh? Where did the dictatorship of the proletariat strike? But which proletariat...? It was forgotten that people fought not to demand..., while in the meantime it was established. Class... force...? Moving, the struggle... Albanian. Our Albanians... throughout the world, in Kosovo, America, no food, so let us see a cousin who is not accepted... in the cooperative, therefore... biography and don't...? Anonymous letters about him? The brother has no concept of... Education for b... the grandfather. The people for...? ...—educate him, with...? One another. Whoever believes in...? Anti-party. Anti-... and anti-people. The Party... everything, the people at the end. P... removal from the Party—political dismissal. Have you heard...? ...? Heresy! You don't...? ...? Kuzlak. To choose the children with a biography... to send them to sh... at home? Don't... like that, be vigilant... An old terror ... white for too long ... life-taking. Even ... that the Party of Labour ... according to the teachings of ... Now we remember the long ... years. Albania ... freedom and democracy. We will never forget again! enough, but everyone would agree to it if the latter were more capable and competent, instead of complaining, as they have for 46 years, that the incapable were benefiting. The democratic and political revolution, at times peaceful and at times violent, of Eastern Europe. These changes, along with many other factors, had a powerful impact in Albania as well. The workers’ ever-growing discontent with the totalitarian socialist system and the failed policies of the LPP erupted last year in powerful demonstrations in the cities of Shkodër, Kavajë, Tirana and Fier, and gave the party in power its first «lessons» and pu-

1989 was the year of miracles, the year in which red kings and anti-people rulers, who by decree changed culture, religion, citizenship and nationhood, and exterminated not just individuals but entire populations, left the stage of history, as tyrants of every color should. The democratic revolution, peaceful in some places and violent in others, brought radical social, political and economic transformations to the countries of Eastern Europe. These changes, as well as many other factors, had a powerful impact in Albania too. The ever-growing discontent of the popular masses, the passive resistance of all...[?]… They were the Albanian democrats. They were those demonstrations, the passive resistance of all...[?]… popular forces, and especially the December student movement, that determined the establishment of a multiparty system and the founding of the Democratic Party in Albania. A retrospective analysis of past developments proves this. But the current stance of the PPSH leadership toward democratic developments in Albania proves it very clearly as well. Naturally, it seems that these positions are not unexpected and surprise nobody. The leadership of the PPSH in the strug... … the «hearth», my family, relatives, friends and comrades of Leka, under the articles of the blood...? did not...? in a district. Likewise, against the division of the notice... all «victories, unity and history». P...? party in its dealings with the internal affairs office, its savage oppression, against...? it a brother. Albania... Therefore, they ask...? people after... rants of every color. The democratic revolution, at times peaceful and at times violent, gave the party in power its first «lessons» and ty- ...a retrospective analysis of past developments. But this is now being demonstrated by many circles as well through the current attitude of the PPSH leadership toward democratic developments in Albania. Naturally, it must be said that these positions are not unexpected and are not based on anything new. The PPSH leadership, in its struggle against its opponents, has a very heavy legacy. Thus, toward the opposition within the country, too, it has known only one stance: branding them enemies, agents, traitors, and then arresting, imprisoning, interning or physically eliminating them; alongside this, purg- (Continued on page [?])

Our natural partners Undoubtedly, Albanian and German diplomacy had been in contact for a long time to reach a mutual consensus, which ultimately took shape in the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1987. The problems were numerous and complex; the obstacles were eventually overcome, and what was eagerly awaited was achieved through lengthy talks, after more than a decade. It was natural, after this long odyssey, to think that relations between the two countries would flourish, all the more so because at that time and afterward, distinguished German figures showed particular interest in our country and expressed themselves very positively about providing us with aid in various forms, even creating special facilities. In a way, the Federal Republic of Germany would address the reparations issue for Albania and do so gradually through various economic concessions, in order to avoid obstacles in its constitution. But despite German political goodwill (let us not forget that one of Germany's leading politicians, Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, visited our country several times; Franz Josef Strauss came here with a group of businessmen and delegations at various levels within a relatively short period), the obstacles to extending and broadening political, economic, cultural or scientific relations were not entirely overcome, because our constitution stood in the way of German investment or aid, categorically preventing anything of the kind. Ironically, when the Presidium of the People's Assembly of Albania issued laws permitting foreign investment and removing restrictions on foreign entities, something else led to the freezing of bilateral relations: the so-called embassy crisis, when around 3,000 Albanian citizens took refuge in the German embassy in Tirana. Tensions between the two countries rose markedly, and at present the German mission in our country operates with reduced staff and is officially closed. This is, in broad outline, a brief history of relations between Albania and Germany; we have referred to this history in order to draw some conclusions and look more toward the future, so that our differences or internal problems in no way affect our relations with powerful partners who can help us in every direction. The Federal Republic of Germany is Europe's most powerful state, with large-scale industrial production and at the forefront of the world's most advanced technology. The basic law of the Federal Republic of Germany was established in 1949. Federal Republic of Germany was established in 1949, for

HONORING THOSE WHO FELL FOR FREEDOM On 4 February 1991, at 10:30, the Initiative Committee of the Democratic Party paid tribute at the Martyrs' Cemetery in memory of the victims of the Nazi terror of February 1944. Members of this Committee, Azem Hajdari and Arben Imami, laid a wreath on behalf of the Democratic Party with the dedication: «To the martyrs of 4 February and all those who fell for freedom». At the end, all those present observed a minute of silence and bowed in tribute before the Mother Albania monument. EDI PALOKA

POLICE USE RUBBER TRUNCHEONS Everything seemed normal when the DP rally in Burrel began on Sunday, 3 February, at 11:00. Around 9,000–10,000 people had gathered in the town center to hear the speakers. As usual, the most ardent DP supporters, young people with banners in their hands, had gathered in front of the platform, continuously chanting «Freedom—Democracy» and so on. Then the DP activists in the district—P. Karameta, H. Kuka, B. Bushkashi, and A. Hajdari and E. Trako from Tirana—spoke. But shortly afterward the scene shifted to the square, where 20–30 people, carrying portraits of Enver Hoxha, began shouting «Party—Enver» and moving through the crowd without being stopped by the police. Only when they approached the front rows, making a clash unavoidable, and after a banner reading «We want a democratic Albania» was torn up and trampled underfoot and a portrait of E. Hoxha flew up and hit the ground, did a cordon of police with helmets and shields separate the two groups. While the democrats turned back to follow the rally, the withdrawn group from the Party of Labour continued moving through the square among the people, who were somewhat stunned by the incident. Nevertheless, with astonishing speed, 70 meters farther along a main road, the two opposing fronts had formed again, shouting «Party—Enver, we are ready to fight back» on one side and «Down with the spies» on the other. In this situation the police immediately «discovered» the real culprits behind the turmoil: precisely those who had obtained permission for the rally, the democrats. A volley of blows from rubber truncheons, sparing neither women, children nor elderly people who had happened to be there, rained down on them, dispersing them within minutes. It later became known that two young people had been injured and treated at the hospital. Encouraged by this show of force, the crowd of police turned back and gathered in front of the PPSH Committee in Burrel. The PP secretary, Q. Riba, and the chairman of the Executive Committee, H. Tahir, having been released after all the violence, addressed their followers over loudspeakers, assuring them of their loyalty to E. Hoxha and his ideals. About 15 minutes after the spectacle continued, the police chief remembered that this rally was illegal and called on people to disperse. TONI KRISTO

PROTEST DEMONSTRATION IN FRONT OF THE YUGOSLAV EMBASSY IN TIRANA On Monday, 4 February, the Tirana branch of the Democratic Party organized a demonstration in front of the Yugoslav embassy in Tirana. The demonstration began at 14:00, in accordance with all the rules of the law. For about 20 minutes, those present demonstrated in the square in front of the embassy, holding numerous banners. At 14:20 the demonstrators began loudly and repeatedly chanting the stance of ordinary Albanian citizens on this Serbian issue in Kosovo: «Kosovo is not Serbia; Albanians are here not as a minority or nationality; the people of Kosovo themselves—nothing and no one can divide us». «Serbian occupiers out of Kosovo. End the terror, stop the massacres», «We salute the supporters of the historic decisions of the Kosovo Assembly for a republic», «Put an end to the ongoing violations of human rights against Albanians in Kosovo», «Federation! Guarantee the rights of Albanians. They are in their ancestral lands», «Down with Milošević's Stalinist order», «We call on all democratic forces in the world to condemn the policy of colonialism and the Serbian practice of apartheid and genocide in Kosovo». Press and television workers were also present at this demonstration. ARMANU SHKULLAKU

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