The People’s Assembly is continuing its work under conditions of a state of emergency, not legally declared, but one that each of us feels every day. Days, weeks, months are passing as this people’s feelings are being played with. Rallies and counter-rallies, legal and illegal; murders in broad daylight, where the police apprehend only the victim and the murderer remains a mystery; demonstrations of physical violence and spiritual terror, going so far as to use rubber bullets even against “Enver’s pioneers”; the mass exodus that lulls whole families into sleep and extinguishes them, laying the country waste. Insecurity and fear everywhere; people who are unemployed and do not work, yet discuss how to bring a vision to life; empty shops and now, finally, queues for bread; businessmen who feed us empty promises on television, and numerous newspapers as the only entertainment for squeezing out the truth. And while age-old questions are heard from everyone—how did we end up like this, and how will we emerge from this situation?—the Labour Party and its government seek to shift the burden onto their own people, wrongly blaming dark forces, destructive forces, vandals and hooligans, as though these were not part of this system, but had been sent by foreigners in exchange for our high-quality products (!). The Prime Minister puts his hand on his heart and makes a sincere self-criticism, accepting a little of the responsibility. Whom does Nano’s government ask for calm, order, and observance of the laws, and so on? Perhaps the Labour Party or the Ecological Party? Wasn’t the previous government also the Labour Party’s, the one that left the country in this state for the caretaker government, which in turn hands it back to the old staff? If the laws are being violated, if the borders are opened, if ships are hijacked, if shops are burned and statues toppled, if people are killed, the fault lies with the Labour Party’s governments—or, to put it plainly, the Labour Party itself, which stood above the governments and did not demand that the laws be observed, but governed the country only through orders from above, with lessons and deeds, and connected the country not with serious governments and states, but with fabricated mafia groups and intermediaries whom it also kept supplied with food and drink. And while the Parliament’s meeting seemed to calm some tempers and ease the people’s natural irritation, Fatos Nano’s new government seems to be pouring petrol on the fire by giving ministerial portfolios to several figures who are already discredited and suspect. This is not simply a challenge, nor a mistake, but an open provocation against Parliament and the entire people. The debate in the Assembly over the events in Shkodra went on for so long, and the name of Gramoz Ruçi, as Minister of the Interior, was mentioned by nearly all the deputies. (In his own remarks, he showed confidence and composure toward the others.) The special parliamentary group proposed his dismissal, but the Labour Party candidates used their veto through the voting mechanism and, in the familiar Enverist style, sacrificed the Prosecutor General and the head of the General Investigative Directorate as scapegoats. They were accused of dragging their feet in their department, while the Interior Ministry’s department was accused of murder. Absurd logic. The killers were given protection, while the murderers were defended. The Labour Party deputies forget that in this way they also implicate themselves, while at the same time this act gives a logical explanation to the events in Shkodra, stripping them of their mystery and bringing the discovery of the real plot closer. We cannot believe that Nano’s government and the President himself were unaware of the negative effect and reaction in Parliament and among the people that would be caused by giving Gramoz Ruçi a ministerial seat to “protect and secure the nation” amid that infamous situation; or that the former Deputy Minister of the Interior, equally responsible for recent events and social instability, would be promoted, while officials from the Labour Party Central Committee and the government apparatus were appointed to ministerial posts. It seems as if they are doing it deliberately to inflame the already frayed nerves of the audience and beyond, confident that tomorrow they will be forced to remove or dismiss them again. These are not new or unprecedented experiments by the Labour Party with its cadres (let us not recall the glorious past of putting in government people whose blood the people had vomited); they are compelled to pay the proper tribute to party affiliation. At moments of tension and great strain, many actions and decisions by the Labour Party and its government have served to aggravate the situation rather than calm it. It seems they know the people’s psychology well and consciously act against a consolidated public opinion. Perhaps they have been influenced by Chairman Mao’s lesson: “Create turmoil, then restore order.” The same thing happened with the President’s insistence on not postponing the elections (which irritated people and resulted in another response: postponing the elections); with the Labour Party Central Committee’s arrogant declaration that the University’s name would not be changed (the name was removed the day after this declaration, once the situation had become tense). It seems that the new government, too, has had the aim of irritating the deputies and the people—the entire population that listens and watches with hope.

Public opinion as a whole is expressing its surprise at the interruption of Parliament’s work immediately after Prime Minister Fatos Nano presented the composition of the new government. What has happened? Why has Parliament’s work been postponed at a time when everyone agrees that the pace of work should be faster? Our editor, Genc Tirana, asked the deputy Prec Zogaj, Chairman of the Publishing Council of the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike,” about this. He replied: I am not entirely clear about the reasons for the blockage of Parliament over the last 48 hours. The decision to postpone the sessions is made by the Presidium of the Assembly. As for the statement that Mr. Sali Berisha is to read, I can tell you that, in essence, it expressed the determination and sharpness of the Democratic Party deputies’ group in calling for a Security Committee at ministerial level—or, put more simply, a Ministry of Security. The statement called for: - The National Security Committee not to be at ministerial level. - The head of this institution, which must be fundamentally reorganized, to be a jurist. Perhaps this impasse has arisen around these demands and has, I hope temporarily, halted the progress of Parliament’s work.

Session postponed On 9 May, at 10:00, after the session was opened by Mr. Fatos Nano, Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, he presented the government’s program platform. After analyzing the economic and social crisis the country is going through and outlining the measures the government would pursue to improve the situation, he presented the composition of the new government. After a break at 12:00, Mr. Fatos Nano invited the deputies to answer some questions they had submitted to the secretariat. Meanwhile, Mr. Sali Berisha asked to speak in order to read a statement by the Democratic Party parliamentary group. The Chairman of the Presidium did not agree, and postponed the proceedings until later. At 17:00, the chairman said that the session should again be postponed until the next day at 10:00. On 10 May, at 10:00, Mr. Kastrjot Islami said the parliamentary groups would discuss the composition of the government that had been presented, and postponed the session until 12:00. For the same reason, he postponed it again until the following day at 9:00. Let us hope it will not be postponed again.

Many of those who followed the Assembly’s proceedings in recent days had not believed that the Prime Minister would present Q. Ruci as a member of the government. According to ordinary logic and the practice of countries with a democratic tradition, when a scandal on the scale of the one in Shkodra occurs, the officials heading the responsible department or the heads of government resign or are replaced, even if there may be no evidence of their direct guilt. After all, it is also their incompetence that causes such events. It was even said of Mr. Ruçi that he was not qualified for the profession, and he himself admits that he had not foreseen that the unrest in Shkodra the previous day would end as it did, even though tension had been present throughout those days and the world press was commenting on the unrest that might follow. Then why is that same person being presented as a member of the government? This question has prompted all kinds of comments from many people. But one thing is clear: Presenting such a controversial person for that post, when dozens of others could have been found, is an open challenge to the Parliamentary Commissions on Shkodra, the opposition, Parliament itself (where the Omonia deputies and Labour Party deputies such as D. Agolli, A. Alushani, and others supported his dismissal), the people of Shkodra, and the entire democratic public. In truth, no one would say that the government member R. Uçi in Albania, in the process of democratization, must hold a particular title, or that every person in Shkodra must be represented, or that he must be more than what Parliament has made him. The obstinacy of bringing him back into the government is suspicious. Indeed, the two days of silence in Parliament make it even more so. Since the unblocking of the state—which has so often been said would happen as soon as possible—is being delayed, this shows that something is going on. On the other hand, the cabinet itself is respected, and it is difficult to function without Mr. Gramoz Ruçi. Why?!

The US State Department has announced that it has not yet taken a position on the human rights situation in Yugoslavia and is currently assessing the situation in that country. The press was informed of the above in connection with the so-called “Nikelis” amendment, under which the United States may not provide aid to Yugoslavia, or to its individual republics, if they do not act in accordance with American expectations and violate human rights. The amendment provides for the situation in Yugoslavia to be reviewed once every six months, and the decision to expand or suspend aid will be made on the basis of recommendations from the State Department. Unofficially, it has been learned that the latest developments in Yugoslavia have caused hesitation at the State Department, although it is not known whether any decision concerning Yugoslavia will have an impact in this regard. The “Nikelis” amendment, which allows the US administration to influence political processes on the basis of its own assessment of the situation in Yugoslavia, is in practice of merely formal importance, although Yugoslavia does not receive direct US aid. Nevertheless, US representatives at financial institutions may be instructed, on the basis of the US government’s assessment, to vote against approving loans and financial assistance for Yugoslavia.

Dear brothers, deputies of Albania’s pluralist Assembly. From the Albanian Democratic Party in Plavë and New York, we offer you our heartfelt congratulations on your celebration of the vote in the Assembly on the resolution for peace by the Albanian state concerning Kosovo and the other Albanian regions in Yugoslavia. This was the first step of national significance. The Albanian Democratic Party of the diaspora congratulates you wholeheartedly and wishes you further steps toward full democracy and national unity. We are deeply convinced that every conscious Albanian throughout the world understands that this resolution is your achievement; as for the Labour Party, just as we have waited another 46 years, we suspect we would have had to wait just as many more! Once again, from afar, from New York, USA, we offer our heartfelt congratulations to the Albanian Democratic Party! With esteem and respect, The “Democratic Kosovo” Association New York

On Thursday, 9 May 1991, at 14:30, the DP sections at the factories of the Autotractor Combine organized a joint meeting. Also present at the meeting were the Chairman of the DP Steering Commission, Dr. Sali Berisha; Steering Commission member Azem Hajdari; DP deputy Tritan Shehu; Tirana branch secretary Meri-Shahu; Commission member Dylber Vrioni; and others. On 9 May 1991, in one of the halls of the Palace of Culture in the town of Kamzë, the DP section for that town was briefed. After reviewing its two months of work, the section expressed criticisms of the Steering Commission and renewed it, eliminating those members who did not enjoy the confidence of the majority. On Thursday, 9 May 1991, the Chairman of the Democratic Party Steering Commission, Dr. Sali Berisha, met with experts in economics and agrarian policy, Prof. Marcello Gorgini, representative of the FAO, and Prof. D. «Bell, representative of the UNDP. Dr. Sali Berisha expressed the DP’s request that these organizations be set up urgently and help develop our agriculture. On Wednesday, 8 May, at 17:00, in the cinema-theatre hall in the city of Vlorë, the Steering Commission of the DP branch in this district organized a meeting with the city’s intellectuals, DP members and supporters. The purpose of the meeting was to examine the country’s current political, economic and social situation, and the position and role of intellectuals in the present and the future. On Wednesday, 8 May 1991, at 18:00, in the lecture hall of the Palace of Culture, the Tirana DP Branch organized a meeting entitled “Democracy and Healthcare.” In addition to the section chairpersons, doctors and employees from hospitals 1, 2, 3 and 4, as well as the outpatient service, were invited to attend. Correspondent of “RD”

— Travel notes from Germany — IT IS A GREAT GOOD FORTUNE THAT THEY ARE IN THE WORLD When one sets out from Albania toward the world, one thinks of everything and nothing. Everything and nothing are closely connected. They are bound up with Albania’s isolated life over these 47 years. (One of the most familiar slogans we have all had to swallow in Albania is: “Albania is isolated, but the enemies want to accuse us.”) One thinks of everything about a world one has never seen, and nothing about it is familiar. The most immediate unknown is not even the Albanians of the world. Nor can one easily imagine, for example, that after landing at the world’s great airport and setting off overland along those magnificent roads, where one wishes the journey would never end, amid those buildings and endless windows, one might suddenly and happily find oneself in a mountain pasture. No one can easily imagine that here at Rinas Airport. It is quite the opposite, and that is certain. How many people came out and strained their eyes toward Europe, looking through Rinas at the world, at Rinas Airport and its food, saying: “Well, now, may things go well for you there and for us here,” whether by plane, or at the seaport, or at the border crossing into a neighboring state. No, never—not for as long as we live in the generation we call the men and women of Albania. Albanians, the unfortunate people of the world, were forced to leave their land with their heads in a bag, with a shroud around their waists. They fled for various reasons. Someone from martyred Kosovo, to escape persecution; someone from Serbia, to secure bread for their children there in the West; someone from the interior of the country, where Albania’s state children’s institutions… How did these people leave? Some because they had spoken a word of protest about the unsatisfactory situation or the dictatorship’s policies in Albania, and within three hours realized that they had to flee or face lifelong imprisonment. Others because they could no longer endure violence and the absence of freedom and democracy. But they all left with the same bitter wish: “You people we are leaving behind, please forget us; we have ruined your lives, because now that we are leaving, you will be interned. Please forget that we ever existed.” And so it really happened: they were pushed into oblivion, a painful but profound oblivion: the mother and son, the wife and the neighbor forgot. It was considered a greater risk for everyone to have someone abroad, especially in the West—“even a friend, even an acquaintance.” So, do we Albanians have people in the world? No, we do not! The nation and the person here in Albania are also forgotten by them. But they are out there in the world. I met them, saw them and congratulated them; we talked, laughed, cried, took photographs, shared food and drink, and talked in a room as if in an Albanian mountain village; we joked! Albanians are out in the world. It is a great good fortune for Albania today that they are in the world. It is a great good fortune that Enver Hoxha’s isolating scythe did not cut off the languages for good. Now the Albanians abroad, as many as there are, are there. The governments of Western countries have allowed them the right to live among people of other nations. But what if they were not out in the world? When we landed at the German airport in Frankfurt, we still had around 600 km to travel to Hamburg for a meeting with the Albanians there. After finishing our discussion at that gathering, we left the hall and, on an evening filled with lights, headed for a restaurant. Ten fast, comfortable cars glided swiftly along, trailing smoke, all bearing German license plates. I know that political conversation continued inside, but I cannot remember anything that was said. My mind kept returning to one thought: “And yet Albanians are here too, in this modern world; they are so proud and so firmly established.” A THOUSAND ALBANIAN ENTANGLEMENTS Meetings of Albanians were to be held in four major German cities—Hamburg, Düsseldorf, Munich and Stuttgart—to commemorate the tenth anniversary of Kosovo’s great uprisings of 1981. On this occasion, the new political parties of the Albanians, recently formed in their quest for democracy, presented an overview of their programs at the gatherings, exchanged views, debated and answered many questions. Our Democratic Party also took part. Nearly two thousand Albanian listeners attended those large, comfortable halls. Some listened, simply listened and took in information. Some analyzed and occasionally asked a question. Some burst out from where they were seated. Some had seen what was happening in Germany and what was happening to the Albanians, and either could not believe it or believed it only with difficulty. Some said they wanted to be in Albania as soon as possible. A real wonder: one of them was obliged to stay there with them for hours and days, without asking for dinner or lunch, simply so that they could sit there in a suitable place and look at the faces they had seen at the moment they had parted from their homeland at Rinas, just to meet again with the hope and love of the people we had left behind in Albania. But often one also feels deeply shaken. The greatest shock comes when you realize and are confronted with the entanglements (continued on page 5)