— Speech by MP Sali Berisha in Parliament — Mr. Speaker, Honorable Members of Parliament, I have carefully examined the presentation of Mr. Nano’s government program. But first and foremost, I want to clarify to our people and international public opinion that the Democratic Party declined the Prime Minister’s invitation to join a coalition, not because it does not wish to improve the dire situation that has arisen, nor because, by not having been a party to this severe crisis, it now intends to evade responsibility. The Democratic Party has not based its program or its victory, and will never base them, on the misery of our long-suffering people. I would remind you here that, despite having existed for only three months, it is the only political party with support in more than 250 electoral zones, and it did so solely in the name of establishing democratic power in Albania. We reject a coalition because opposition is vital for the Albanian people, who, from the mid-1920s until now, have endured dictatorships of every color. It is essential to developing and establishing true democracy in our country. Indeed, today a coalition might bring, materially speaking, say, one or two billion more, but this would bring … [text garbled] … remain in opposition, has rejected and will reject a coalition until the Albanian people place it in power by a majority of votes. By adopting this position, we stress that the credibility of political forces does not depend at all on the alliances or ties they form; rather, it derives entirely from their stance toward the great interests of the country, the people and the nation as a whole, and their stance toward the principles of the Helsinki Final Act. These principles, whose universal value is now recognized throughout the world, have become fundamental criteria for assessing the political, social and economic activity of every individual, organization, party, government or state. Analyzing Mr. Nano’s program, which he presented to us, in precisely this spirit, I wish to stress that, despite the program’s clear positive trends, I consider the following measures urgently necessary to ease the crisis our country is experiencing: 1. — To formulate and implement without delay a policy of national reconciliation which, at both the individual and national levels, must be based on individual and national repentance. This policy … … 1. — be based on individual and national repentance. This poli- 2. — The Albanian government must place the just resolution of the national question at the center of its foreign policy, and by this we do not mean changing borders, but defending the freedoms and rights of Albanians wherever they may be. Naturally, the Albanian government can never play this role unless the rights and freedoms of its own citizens are respected. Only a democratic Albania, fully integrated into today’s Europe, will be able to defend these rights. 3. — Although this program marks important steps toward a market economy, it is unfounded and does not help bring agriculture out of the crisis caused by the cycle into which totalitarian socialism plunged it; on the contrary, it deepens this crisis further. In this respect, it is built on old foundations [Part of the article cut off at the top edge.] ... which, from the mid-1920s until now, has endured on its own back dictatorships of every color, is vital to achieving and establishing true democracy—oxygen for the economy. It is true that today a coalition might bring in, would lead to democracy being curtailed, wounded in its first steps, and to the loss of many billions tomorrow or the day after. It goes without saying that being the opposition and an opposition figure on the Albanian political scene is not something others threatened and shook them over. Not only the brief history, but also the events of the last two months prove this quite clearly. But instead of a few armchairs in government, we will accept repression, sacrifice, and everything else, because democracy is a mission and, as such, it must be [unclear]. A few days ago in Parliament, these historic recent months entrusted it to the DP and the Albanian opposition. And we have now accepted this mission: the Democratic Party will ... ... study the urgent necessity of easing the market economy crisis; of the crisis into which totalitarian socialism plunged it, but instead deepens that crisis even because it preserves state ownership of the land, based on the concepts of the totalitarian state, the absolute owner of everything and anything. We therefore believe that the land must be given to the peasants who work it, and that is not enough: they must also be provided with the necessary loans to buy equipment and increase production. A national commission should be established to address these issues, as the DP has suggested. 4. — Mr. Chairman, Albania today resembles a seriously ill person; any unconsidered intervention or operation could prove costly and worsen the situation. (Continued on page 2)

Interview with the distinguished Albanian writer and scholar, Professor Martin Camaj, given in Munich to the newspaper’s editor-in-chief, Frrok Çupi. Question: I am fortunate to be the first Albanian journalist to interview you. First, I would like to tell you that many intellectuals and patriots, writers and students speak of you as a talent, as a patriot. I would like to tell them what you are working on these days? Answer: These days I am mainly occupied with translating several of my works into German, Italian and English. Three months ago I retired, and now I have more time than before to devote myself to the most precious thing in my life … You are delighted that your book is being translated, and I have also come to know you as a distinguished prose writer. How did that come about? Answer: My prose is based entirely on Albanian syntax, forms and phraseology. I am also a cultivator of the language. I do not want to boast, but I know Albanian. I have also drawn on older authors, for example Bogdani. He is a marvelous prose writer, and his prose has a sound that is entirely Albanian; this is the first original literary work. His spirit enters my prose to some extent. That is why I love him and would not entrust him to anyone else in the world. Other prose works are also being translated here, but as an Albanian writer I cannot readily trust the translation of my prose. I am very pleased that «Lirika» is being translated. I now live in the West and have absorbed a great deal from the avant-garde currents of our time; in other words, willingly or unwillingly, these elements have entered my literary work. I am not saying that my prose should be translated in haste for the time being. Let it be published later. I am an Albanian writer. Many young people I knew during the period in Rome (when he lived in Rome—FC) now write in English and French, and I have always felt confronted by this. I have not wanted to become an Albanian-Anglo-American or Albanian-Italian writer, but an Albanian-Albanian writer. Question: Could you say something to Albanian writers and journalists about their role in enriching the language? Answer: Our language began to be written very late, over thousands of years. Perhaps, with the development of archaeology, older stages of Albanian writing will be discovered. It is one of Europe’s most interesting languages. To this day I have not been an atomist but an analyst of the Albanian language. We have a common language, but to discover this we must turn to the past, to learn not only about the history of our people but also through the language. I am not a nationalist, but in some respects I am very Albanian; and if there is one element that unites all Albanians—not only those in Albania, but also those in Germany, Kosovo and the Arbëresh diaspora of Italy—it is that they all share a language. We must gather these elements and shape a language suited to our time. Language is a living thing. Our linguists have often been very formalistic and have obstructed it by imposing rules a priori: this word is allowed, that one is not, thus preventing the language of everyday use from coming into use. I am very proud that the Albanian language is one and has common basic structures. Writers and scholars of this language should work without excluding its different forms; all of them should be considered and studied, and brought together into a whole. Language also has another function: recognizing identity. Where the language has been preserved, folklore has been preserved; where linguistic forms have been preserved, national content has also been preserved. Question: Could you explain this influence in a little more detail in relation to the present time? Answer: — The most important function of language is its role from the Renaissance to the present day. [Continued on page 2]

— Statement by Neritan Ceka, chairman of the PD parliamentary group — Dear Mr. Speaker! Honorable Members of Parliament! Dear Mr. Speaker! Honorable Members of Parliament! Wishing to explain the reasons why the entire group left the chamber, I emphasize that the main reason was not a lack of respect for the Assembly; on the contrary, it was respect for its proceedings. The principal cause of this action was our opposition to the incorrect practice of organizing the Assembly’s work, in which the opposition cannot impose its views but is not subject to the agenda either. Thus, yesterday, after a 14-hour marathon, we were asked to proceed to a vote without the time needed to reflect on the text as it stood and form a complete impression. The members of our group alone had completed a substantial program with a broad scope, and the experience … [text garbled] … only time to vote and … … the Speaker to carry out this act today. Nevertheless, this proposal was not accepted, and an attempt was made to force us into a vote; we had no choice but to leave the chamber. To avoid such conflicts in future, which undermine the parliamentary climate of consensus and cooperation on matters of national interest, I propose changing the working procedure: meetings of commission presidiums and parliamentary groups should be held at the beginning of the week, with the final two days of the week reserved for plenary sessions. Yesterday’s conduct by the PP parliamentary group and the designated Prime Minister, Mr. Nano, compels me also to state the vote of our parliamentary group. The serious and constructive contribution of PD deputies to the discussion of the program did not receive the attention it deserved from Mr. Nano, who was absent from the chamber for much of the discussion. The departure from the chamber of more than half the deputies of the two parties did not prevent the chairman, Mr. Islami, from continuing the proceedings, in violation of the rules, while denying the conclusion! Mr. Nano, at the beginning of … … in his response to the discussion, demonstrated his disregard for the comments made about the structure, composition and program of the government, including many positive comments made by PD deputies. In his speech, Mr. Nano called us demagogues and told us how the Assembly should work. We must remind Mr. Nano that deputies are not demagogues, but representatives of the people. What stands out in Mr. Nano’s speech is his rejection of the opposition’s comments and his failure to reflect on the most urgent problems brought to his attention. He was asked to explain his view on the private ownership of land as a necessity for the transition to a market economy. No answer. The issue of the free distribution of shares and workers’ apartments was raised, so that they would not be left unprotected in the face of domestic and foreign capital. No answer. The urgent need to resolve the wage-price relationship was emphasized, to protect workers from the catastrophic decline in their standard of living and to prevent strikes. No answer! Whereas we … (Continued on page 2)

On 13 May 1991, at the PD headquarters, Dr. Sali Berisha received Nevzat Halili, Chairman of the Party for Democratic Prosperity of Macedonia, and the people accompanying him, and held a fraternal conversation with them. Mr. N. Halili informed Mr. Berisha about the great political, economic and social difficulties that Albanians are experiencing today in Macedonia and in Yugoslavia as a whole, and about the struggle and efforts of the Party for Democratic Prosperity to guarantee the rights and freedoms of Albanians living in their own territories in Macedonia, rights that derive from the Yugoslav Constitution and the Helsinki Final Act. He emphasized that in Tetovë, Gostivar and other municipalities in Macedonia, the current authorities do not allow Albanians to establish local government bodies, but keep Albanian municipalities under the direct rule of the central authorities. The Albanian population is experiencing a major economic crisis. Education in Albanian areas of Macedonia is also in a difficult state. For his part, Dr. Sali Berisha, after informing his interlocutors about the grave social, political and economic crisis Albania is experiencing, spoke to them about the PD’s struggle and efforts to establish true democracy in Albania and its commitment to achieving democracy in the country. He told them about the early election campaign and the political trends unfolding in Albania, the massacres in Shkodër, and the arming of PP activists during the period before and immediately after the elections. Both sides stressed that all forces and political parties must place the resolution of Albanian national issues at the center of their policies. To this end, they considered it essential to establish an ongoing dialogue among Albanian political forces, as well as between these forces and other European and world forces. They consider the establishment of true democracy in Albania necessary for a just resolution of these problems. Both sides agreed that, following this bilateral meeting, the PD of Albania would organize, in the near future, a meeting among Albanian political parties to address these issues. Correspondent of «Rilindja Demokratike»

the PD branch in the district of Gjirokastër organized a large meeting with intellectuals from the town and surrounding villages, as well as PD members and supporters. The PD Steering Committee’s secretary, Eduart Selami, also attended. The meeting was opened by the district PD chairman, Sotiraq Kroni. The main issue at the meeting was an in-depth discussion and understanding of the mission and role of intellectuals at the current stage our country is going through. 2. On Sunday, in the city of Fier, the PD branch organized a meeting with intellectuals from the district. The chairman of the PD Steering Committee, Dr. Sali Berisha, and MP Napoleon Roshi also attended. The invited intellectuals, PD members and supporters emphasized the great role that the times have placed upon them, both as citizens and as intellectuals. They also asked many questions concerning the PD’s economic and political platform. 3. On Saturday, 11 May 1991, the activists of the PD branch in the district of Mirditë gathered in the city of Rrëshen. Section leaders and PD supporters also attended. The PD Steering Committee’s secretary, Eduart Selami, was also present. The meeting was opened by the secretary of the district PD branch, Muharrem Bisprendi. On behalf of the branch’s steering committee, the report on its May activities and future tasks was delivered by the district PD chairman, Ndue Gjika. The restructuring of the district PD branch was also a central focus of the meeting.

In Bari, Italy, Mr. Nano “reveals” the secret behind the exodus As reported, the Albanian Prime Minister, Mr. Fatos Nano, has set off on a tour of Europe, tambourine in hand, to beg for alms in Rome, London, Paris and Bonn. Mr. Nano made his first stop in Bari, where he also expressed concern that the exodus of tens of thousands of Albanians onto Europe’s hopeless roads “has damaged the image of the new Albania.” (?) Since the Albanian Prime Minister is not concerned by the fate of his compatriots, who were forced to abandon their homeland because they could no longer endure the catastrophic consequences of 45 years of state and party policy of oppression-... (?) (Continued on page 6)