- Dr. Sali Berisha’s address in Parliament - Honorable deputies! Mr. Speaker! Ladies and gentlemen! In the history of Albania, June 12 will be recorded not only as the end of half a century of one-party rule, but will also mark the beginning of a new era: Albania’s steady rapprochement with the other democratic countries of Europe and the establishment of true democracy. The workers of Albania brought the new government onto the Albanian political scene; history itself brought it. It is established not only in recognition of the right of all Albanians to be represented in government, but also expressed and reflected the new Albanian reality. Undoubtedly, although it is a transitional government, its mission is historical. In Albania’s political, economic and social picture, numerous factors, circumstances and phenomena stand out; taken as a whole, they can be grouped into two categories with opposing tendencies. On the one hand, what catches the eye in this picture is the genuine economic and even social collapse, great material, intellectual and spiritual poverty; empty state coffers, debts, diplomatic ties between Albania and Great Britain. The support of the German Government and the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe of the American Congress for Albania’s full membership in the CSCE; Mr. De Mikelis’s visit to Albania tomorrow, followed by Mr. Gensher’s arrival in Albania, and the possible visit of Mr. Baker—all these clearly show that the civilized world has not forgotten Albania, that it is ready, and has the firm will and desire to help it in this difficult time and to welcome this small country, with its great history, into its fold. I am convinced that the day is not far off when Albania will be accepted as a full member of the CSCE, thereby transforming our country from a state of self-neglect and self-isolation into a worthy member of the great family to which it belongs and has belonged for centuries. This will be a historic victory for Albania and the entire Albanian nation. The Democratic Party has decided to give this government its full support for the following reasons: 1. Its formation has been welcomed by the entire Albanian people, the democratic public, and the international democratic community. 2. Its program is truly promising. It is a concrete program that allows for: a) The development and implementation of profound transformations in the economic, social and political spheres, and in the field of human rights. This program is based on and respects human rights, a market economy, free enterprise, and reform of agriculture, education, the army and law-enforcement forces. I think the government should urgently enact a law on land privatization and organize a new agrarian reform. b) This government’s program [?] opens new horizons for cooperation, collaboration and Albania’s integration into European and global processes, thereby creating all the conditions and opportunities for building a new policy of the Albanian state toward the Albanian question as a whole, and for resolving this question fairly within the framework of these processes. c) By declaring a general amnesty necessary, this government turns Albania into a temple for all Albanians. The Albanian diaspora will play a powerful and direct political, economic and social role in building Democratic Albania; it will be a strong bridge of friendship between our country and the countries where it lives. This decree will honor this Parliament greatly. d) This government deserves to be supported because its members include intellectuals known to be competent and reform-minded in the fields in which they have worked, and therefore they fully deserve our trust and support. Thank you!

If one were to believe the statements of Labour Party leaders, or those published in this party’s press for nearly half a century, Albania and the Albanian people would by now have triumphantly overcome every stage of backwardness. Unfortunately, the tragic reality shows that we are still decades behind the world, and that this backwardness has become even more pronounced in comparison with the world’s rapid progress. Now the leaders of the LP and many congress delegates asked us to believe that “the Labour Party is being fundamentally reformed, not only in words but in deeds.” According to them, we were to believe that the party “will finally break with the past that gave rise to bureaucracy and corruption in its leadership, and that the Party’s 10th Congress will see things through to the end by taking the proper stand toward those degenerate elements who have been deceitful toward the Party,” and so on and so forth. A genuine renewal of the LP—that is, its transformation into a truly democratic party, and therefore a fundamental repudiation of its unconstitutional feudal-monarchist past—would deserve to be wholeheartedly welcomed by all the democratic and progressive forces of the Albanian nation. But should we believe in such a supreme human achievement a priori, solely on the basis of a few belated, bombastic statements, and, why not, statements imposed by the course of events?! Can it be accepted that an aging party could change its convictions, course and strategy in 24 hours? It would be utterly naive politically and a complete lack of responsibility and seriousness to accept this “miracle” of the LP as beyond question, when in reality it is merely one of the endless “miracles” it has performed throughout its entire period in power. The proceedings of the LP’s 10th Congress left no room for speculation; they drowned it out with the chants “Party-Enver, we are ready at any time,” thereby demonstrating continuity, not renewal. To show that it was renewing itself, indeed with courage, and saying “farewell” to a past worthy of human tragedies, court intrigues and innocent blood, the Labour Party itself sacrificed a few scapegoats at the congress and denounced some of its former leaders as distinctive, ignorant buffoons without any personality of their own, serving the hated “His Majesty.” It paraded a few dead horses and lifeless creatures, covered in eternal shame. In truth, even in this way it showed that it was not prepared to abandon the tactics and strategy, the methods of action, of its glorious leader Enver Hoxha. How many times has it mercilessly cut down those who had outlived their usefulness in power, in order to deceive the people while washing its hands like Pilate. A glance at the Labour Party press shows that it “sacrificed” the names of some of its former leaders, describing this action as “an important factor in bringing closer to the Party certain groups of people of different social strata and ages who today, for the aforementioned reasons, have lost faith,” or, which amounts to the same thing: “in this way the people’s trust will once again grow and become real; then it will truly be said: ‘The Labour Party is reforming itself’”; and also that “the countryside has grown cold toward the Labour Party, the party it trusted so much, and which it also trusted in the March 31 elections.” The conclusion is clear. The Labour Party is suffering from a complete nationwide crisis of confidence, in the cities and the countryside, among all social groups and ages. It must pay for poverty and misery, for crimes, killings and arrests, for mass internments, for its position as an unlawful despot that rejects all morality. To retain the untouchable power of its leaders, it has used every weapon and every intrigue without the slightest mercy. The price is far too high, and it tried to evade payment by putting only a few of its figureheads up for auction. Its congress engaged in a shameful deal, trying to deceive the Albanian people to the very end in order to win paradise for itself. (Continued on page 2) [Opening fragment: “...shots”], if they could, might be grouped into two opposing camps. On the one hand, this picture is marked by genuine economic and even social collapse, great material and even intellectual and spiritual poverty; empty state coffers, debts, outdated technology, agriculture in genuine chaos, and extremist factions and groups of various Stalinist colors that even organize crimes. The terrible shriek of despair drives our brothers and sisters to pour into other countries, as if Albania were cursed land. But alongside these gloomy, despairing, and sad elements, which are expressions of the death of the socialist totalitarian system, one sees the magnificent expression of the spirit of a people thousands of years old, whose principal defining feature has been resistance. On the Albanian political scene, forces and developments have emerged and are growing that will lead Albania out of its deep crisis and transform it into a genuinely democratic country. The most important among these factors are: 1. Political pluralism. The existence of many parties in Albania is a necessary condition for the development of democracy in our country. 2. A pluralist Assembly and a pluralist government are at the same time powerful factors that will help Albania’s comprehensive recovery. 3. Albania’s opening to Europe, the USA, and the world. Albania’s emergence from self-isolation and self-censorship is bringing our country ever closer once again to the international democratic community, linking it with the democracy and democratic development of all the other countries of the world in particular, and bringing the spirit of such a political atmosphere to Albania as never before. It was precisely with the developments of recent weeks that the establishment of relations began

WASHINGTON: Rep. Steny H. Hoyer and Sen. Dennis De Concini, Chairmen of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (the Helsinki Commission), and Rep. Don Ritter and Sen. Alfonse D’Amanto, senior members of the Commission, issued the following statement regarding Albania’s request to become a full member of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. “One year ago, Albania—the only European country that had initially prevented itself from participating in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)—for the first time requested and was granted observer status at a CSCE meeting. As CSCE chairs, we have supported the continued granting of observer status to Albania at every CSCE meeting. We also support the development of bilateral relations between Albania and the United States. “We believe the time has now come to support Albania’s request to become a full participant in the CSCE, making it an equal participant in shaping the future of Europe as a whole and equally committed to supporting security, a market economy, and human and fundamental rights—the standards that govern relations among CSCE states. The Helsinki Commission noted that Albania’s position on human rights and other matters was far removed from the principles of Helsinki, making it impossible to guarantee its full membership in the CSCE. The steps and changes of recent times, the holding of multiparty elections and the public expression of independent views by the Albanian public—things that six months ago were wholly obstructed, even as a possibility—are now a reality in Albania. The establishment of a new government in Albania promises that progress will continue. There are certainly still problems, but they will be addressed continuously, and perhaps better through the ongoing process. Those who enjoy this participation will act for the good of the Albanian people. We urge the meeting of the CSCE Council of Foreign Ministers, to be held in Berlin toward the end of the month, to accept Albania as a full member of the CSCE, on the basis of Albania submitting a declaration that it agrees to implement all CSCE agreements and to sign, at the level of Head of State or Government, the Helsinki Final Act and the Paris Charter, as the leaders of the other CSCE states have done. In supporting Albania’s membership, we hope that economic and political reforms will… ... participation from the outset chose not to participate a CSCE meeting. As chair of the Helsinki Commission, we welcomed this expression of Albanian interest in the process of ... ... made it equally involved equally committed to supporting security, the market economy, and human and fundamental rights—standards that prevail in relations among CSCE states. Major improvements have taken place since August 1990, when a delegation of the Commission of ... ... still problems, but they will be addressed on an ongoing basis and perhaps addressed more effectively through the continuous Helsinki process. In our view, Albania’s participation and a full range of principles that ... ... sign, at the level of the the Charter of Paris, reforms will continue in Albania and that the human-rights process will continue to improve.

MEETING OF THE TIRANA DISTRICT DEMOCRATIC PARTY BRANCH On Thursday at 6 p.m., a meeting of the Tirana District branch of the Democratic Party was held in the lecture hall of the Palace of Culture in the capital. Attending were members of the branch’s steering committee, section heads, activists, and others. Also present were the chairman of the Democratic Party’s Steering Committee, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, and the chairman of the Democratic Party’s steering committee for Tirana, Prof. Dr. Ylli Vejsiu. At the beginning of his speech, Mr. Sali Berisha gave a concise, very concrete and convincing analysis of the situation we are experiencing, pointing out the factors that have brought the country into an all-encompassing crisis, some features of this crisis, and the reasons that led the Democratic Party to propose as the only alternative a new political choice: the formation of a Government of National Stability and the holding of early elections in May-June 1992. The Democratic Party emphasized that it had given the new government some of its best specialists and would strongly support it in carrying out the mission entrusted to it. Mr. Sali Berisha also highly praised the historic role played by the BSPSH in deepening the process of democratization in our country, with its first great flare-up in the general strike.

Then he discussed several duties and issues relating to accelerating the process of restructuring the Democratic Party, strengthening and improving the quality of the internal life and activities of branches and sections, with greater focus on establishing a full presence in the countryside and broadly bringing city and rural intellectuals into the party. “Under the new conditions that have arisen,” Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha stressed, “we, as a party with a historic mission, have a heavier burden and our work is becoming more difficult. But we have all the strength needed to come through with honor.” In the electoral contest for the new parliamentary elections and those for local government bodies, we must begin serious preparations now, committing ourselves fully to helping our ministers successfully meet the challenge posed by the crisis, because in this way they honor the Democratic Party and enhance its credibility. On the other hand, we must identify now the most capable, combative and honest people as candidates for local elections, which we must take very seriously. At the end, Mr. Sali Berisha answered numerous questions from those attending, who expressed interest in fundamental issues concerning the Democratic Party’s economic and political platform, its future stance in Parliament and the progress of its proceedings, the most feasible and quickest ways out of the crisis, the possibility and direction of significant aid from abroad, and so on. RD correspondent TIRANA On Wednesday, 12.V.91, at 18:10, residents of Neighborhood 31, electoral zone 214, held a meeting with their deputy, Mr. Albert Karoli. The deputy spoke about his daily activities in the People’s Assembly. At the end, the theories of the DP were given to its 40 members, who became the elected ... (Continued on page 6)

…of the Democratic Party branch in Neighborhood 31. RD correspondent TEPELENË The Democratic Party branch organized a meeting with its members, supporters and intellectuals at the town’s Palace of Culture. Democratic Party Steering Committee member Azem Hajdari also attended. The meeting was opened by Sokol Ajazi, chairman of the district Democratic Party branch, who, after reviewing the March 31 elections, discussed the tasks facing the branch in organizing itself. Azem Hajdari then took the floor. He focused mainly on the need to reorganize Democratic Party sections in the town and countryside, as well as on the difficult economic situation our country is going through. Turning to the second point, he said that the newly formed government faced very major tasks, but that at this moment social calm, a return to work and an end to strikes were important. He went on to say that the Government of National Stability was supported by the Democratic Party and would receive its assistance. He then answered many questions. Among other things, people asked about the Democratic Party’s position toward public figures. He said that the Democratic Party opposes, and will always oppose, the cult of personality; we support a pluralist government and a state governed by the rule of law. There is no longer any place for a cult of personality among Albanians. After this warm meeting, Azem Hajdari went up to Kurvelesh. Speaking at length with the prognostician[?], he discussed the problems of the countryside and explained the Democratic Party’s program clearly. Speaking about the organization of sections, he said: “Reorganization is particularly important. Since we are currently distributing Democratic Party documents, I think these documents should be distributed in the middle of the village. This is very important. Democratic Party members should be the best people.” Azem Hajdari spoke to the prognosticators and greeted them from the villa he and Mr. Sali Berisha built in the USA.

On the third day of the Labour Party’s 10th Congress, the central topic of discussion was changing the party’s name. Delegates’ views on this issue were contradictory. Those who wanted to call it the Socialist Party argued that their program now corresponded to that of Europe’s left-wing parties. Others, who wanted to remain faithful to the original name, said that the proposed name was the same as that of Sllobodan Millosheviç’s party, and so on. Nevertheless, a vote decided that the name would be the Socialist Party. The afternoon session was again held behind closed doors because elections were to take place. In addition, however, they discussed at length whether to expel Dritëro Agolli from the party. At first glance this may seem unimportant, since several former party officials were expelled during the congress. But ultimately, the proposal for or against forgiving D. Agolli, M. Zeqo and others had to do with the degree of renewal that was claimed to be taking place. Thus, to make the renewal credible, it was decided that D. Agolli would remain in the party; indeed, the next day he was elected a member of the presidium, and this time, instead of hostile expulsions, the decision was accompanied by applause. The elections were announced on the morning of the fourth day. It was decided that the Socialist Party would have a Chairman-Leader and 81 members, led by a 15-member presidium, with Mr. Fatos Nano as chairman and Ismail Lleshi, Spiro Dede and Servet Pellumbi as deputy chairmen. The Congress concluded its proceedings with a short speech by Mr. Nano. He then held a press conference attended by several foreign and local journalists.

At last, after the truth [?] ... demonstrably, we are conducting such an observation of... Mr. Dr. Mikaili, minister of... Mr. of Ital[?], his brother ... ... In Brindisi... The visit was brief, but highly fruitful and practical. Immediately after the fall of the government of ... as it should [be?] ... and remained in ... in the summer of national European stability is drawing nearer... for their political and economic support for democratic processes in Albania. (Continued on page 6)