- Report by Mr. Genc Ruli to the People’s Assembly on the conclusions of the financial audit at the Directorate of Reception and several other institutions - Honourable deputies, honoured Presidium! Entrusted by the Government and the special Parliamentary Commission, I am finally permitted to present to you today the results of the state audit conducted by the Ministry of Finance and the State Audit Commission concerning the privileges, abuses and misappropriations organised by the former top echelon of Party of Labour and state leaders. As you have been informed, on the basis of the findings of this audit, the Council of Ministers issued a decision in which it severely condemned the decade-long practice of unscrupulous privileges as unlawful and anti-national, and decided to report those responsible and bring them to legal account. This act of the Council of Ministers is of particular importance, first of all because it marks the new state governed by law’s firm break with that past, when a wholly incapable and corrupt leadership clique stood apart from the people’s hardships and lived at their expense, cynically abusing their trust and seriously damaging the life of the nation both through its total incompetence and through the privileged luxury in which it lived. The results of the state audit conducted cover only the last 2–3 years, since these were the time limits available to us. Nevertheless, this audit will continue, seriously and resolutely, to extend further, uncovering the whole truth about the abuses and misappropriations committed by the former party and state nomenklatura, about which public opinion is rightly highly sensitive and outraged today. The audit to date was carried out at the former Directorate of Reception, as well as at several other institutions and organisations. The Directorate of Reception was established in 1956 to serve the living arrangements and activities of senior officials of the Party of Labour of Albania, who also held leadership positions in the People’s Assembly. Thus, the directorate’s documents relate only to a part of what its duties required. On this unlawful basis, the economic and financial activity of the PD drew substantial state funding, amounting to 200 million lek in the last 10 years alone, a large part of it in foreign currency, and had a staff of 646 employees, whose wages cost 6.2 million lek. The Council of Ministers, judging on the basis of the conclusions of the State Audit Commission and the Ministry of Finance concerning the activity of the last 3 years, concluded that the former party leadership had created every opportunity to enjoy privileges and benefits, despite knowing in advance that the people’s sweat and labour were being squandered and abused, while the people themselves were being smothered by false and cynical propaganda about fighting privilege, luxury and inequality. And, unfortunately, this opportunity was systematically exploited, both through implementation of the aforementioned decision of the Political Bureau and by exceeding the rights it permitted. I will first set out the privileges and benefits permitted under the terms of the Political Bureau’s own decision. 1. The finest food products produced in the country, and in some cases imported from abroad, were secured and consumed. All 26 families receiving these benefits were supplied without restriction with a variety of high-quality food products. During the period from September 1989 to September 1990, when food rationing was introduced for the entire population, the 26 families consumed an average of 62 kg of meat and meat products, 13 litres of oil, 12.5 kg of cheese, 86 litres of milk, 20 litres of beverages, wine and beer, and 56 kg of fruit and vegetables every day. On the other hand, they were supplied with food products worth 1.8 million lek. After deducting, as stipulated by the Political Bureau’s decision, the value of food allocated to their service personnel, for the families (Hoxha, Alia, Çarçani) there were also found expenses for repairs, electrical appliances and gifts arranged in their homes, which were covered by the state at a cost of 582,000 lek. As a result, 1.2 million lek was paid; for some individual families this represents a large sum, beyond what their lawful income could afford, if we also take into account other living expenses such as rent, water and electricity, clothing, etc. The Hoxha family paid only 72,000 lek out of the 367,000 lek consumed; the Alia family paid 25,000 lek out of 133,000 lek; the Çarçani family paid 57,000 lek out of 71,000 lek. 2. Members of the Political Bureau and some members of the Party Central Committee consumed free food every day worth up to 3 lek per person (7 lek for Ramiz Alia), both for themselves and for every other participant at work meetings they organised. In 1990 alone, 200,000 lek was spent, including 35,000 lek each for Ramiz Alia and Adil Çarçani, 9,700 lek for Nexhmije Hoxha, etc. It is characteristic that people were moved around and that such meetings were also organised in the cinema and the table-tennis hall built in the Block, at plenary meetings of the Central Committee, the Presidium, party assemblies, etc. On the other hand, receptions were also held at stadiums by Kiço Mustaqi, Besnik Bekteshi, Hajredin Çeliku, Llambi Gegprifti, Pali Miska, etc., during hunts organised by Qirjako Mihali, Hekuran Isai, Llambi Gegprifti, Foto Çami, Pali Miska, Rita Marko, etc., bringing along escorts who received salaries and allowances, staff from the villas, and spending fuel for the cars, etc. At the Central Committee offices, on average, food worth 3 lek per person was spent each month for 200 people, while— ... in the former Reception Directorate as well as in several other institutions and organizations. The Reception Directorate activities of senior officials of the Albanian Party of Labour, who also held leading positions in the People's Assembly and the Government. And that was not all. The directorate served mainly their families, which included their parents, married children, and their families. The many privileges granted to this caste over the years through the activities of the Reception Directorate had no legal basis. A decision of the Political Bureau, No. 39, dated 23.7.1976, “On the treatment of leading Party and State cadres,” had taken the place of the law, accompanied by some letter from the Council of Ministers. The contents... ... in September 1990, when the food-rationing system was put into effect for the entire population, 26 thousand lekë were consuming, on average each day, litres of beverages, wine and beer, 56 kg of fruit and vegetables, etc. Under the ration-coupon conditions in Tirana, this quantity of food would have guaranteed the supply of meat to 450 families, oil to 110 families, cheese to 190 families, and eggs to 134 families. The family with the highest consumption during this one-year period was the Hoxha family, which was supplied with around 2 tonnes of meat and 7 quintals of salami, 523 litres of oil, 3.1 quintals of butter, 326 litres of raki, beverages and wine, 250 litres of beer, 5.3 tonnes of fruit and citrus fruit, 114 kg of olives, nearly 1 quintal of jam and honey, 1.5 quintals of hazelnuts, peanuts and walnuts, 1.8 quintals of coffee, etc. In 1989 the families were ... ... Kuran Isai, Llambi Geprifti, Foqami Cami, Pali Miska, Rita Marko, etc., also taking along escorts receiving salaries and per diems, staff from the villas, and spending money on fuel for the cars, etc. At the offices of the Central Committee, an average of 3 lekë 20 thousand lekë were spent at the 1990 Plenum sessions. Piro Kondi and the Tirana Party headquarters spent 1,260 lekë in one month for 30 people. 3. The Party and State caste were granted financial privileges for their annual food supplies. Members and candidate members of the Political Bureau, as well as their spouses, received an allowance of 12.5 lekë per day, and the difference of 3.2 lekë from the ration allotted to other employees was covered by the State. Thus, for each family this amount came to 192 lekë per year, and for all the families treated... (Continued on page 2)

It seems as if absolutely nothing is moving, and a great despair overwhelms you, so much so that you ask, “Do we have a state or not?” Until yesterday, the police complained that they had no statute. Parliament got involved, and the statute was made comprehensive, even very good. The salaries provided for police employees were among the highest. Nevertheless, I imagine no one was prepared for that statute to be approved, because above all people want stability, order. And we expect the police to provide that order. Still, nothing is moving. They said the law on maintaining public order had to be approved. That law, too, was approved. But still nothing is moving. There was a great commotion over the Kamza incident. It was said that the statements made by the parties and other organisations, including the Democratic Party, had paralysed police action. I accept that there may have been hasty statements, although our newspaper did not publish them, but we especially urge that the judicial authorities be allowed to act within their competence. It may well be true that those who were killed were suspected of theft and robbery in the villages. But isn’t it abnormal that the very first time the police decide to act in the field, they shoot and kill two people? Is this some kind of pressure, intended to say: if you want order, we will start killing? Before things reach this point, aren’t there other ways to leave nothing undone? But who are you complaining to, gentlemen? Why aren’t you acting? What other law do you need to stop a car without a licence plate, a car that breaks the most basic traffic rules, a motorcycle travelling at 100 km an hour down the middle of the boulevard? What law are you missing that would let you stop a car that has been driving around wherever it likes for 20 days without any documents, when you have an official request to impound it? What law prevents you from acting when state property and citizens’ property are forcibly seized in broad daylight and everyone just stands watching? What law prevents you from stopping the criminal theft of the people’s bread? What law prevents you from intervening against the acts of waste and hooliganism in the streets, from stopping the disturbances caused by uncultured people who make noise and scandals outside other people’s windows, when special laws on these matters have recently been passed? What law prevents you from taking serious action against criminal people who remove Skanderbeg’s sword? You must understand that something is not working; that, unintentionally, through this passivity, you are playing into the hands of the enemy. Above all, you are playing into the hands of those forces that want to blame democracy as incapable of maintaining order and to create the preconditions... the preconditions for the return of fascist dictatorships, even if they are given different names. Today, more than ever, the forces of order and the people of the law are called upon to act. What should we call the judges of Lezhë who open court hearings against those who removed Enver Hoxha’s monument, while, together with the investigators, they remain silent and block every action against those who commit crimes? Act, then, Minister of Public Order; the people and Albania expect a great deal from you. Act, you gentlemen of the judicial and investigative authorities. Act, you police officers, sons of the people, whom this people, even in the most critical moments it has faced over the past year, has never lumped together with those criminal forces that, wearing police uniforms, have committed the gravest crimes. Act, Mr Prime Minister. We demand more and stronger action from the ministers and all your ministries. Act, then: the people want peace, order, work and bread. ... killings in villages. But isn't there something abnormal about the fact that, the first time politics decides to act, shots are fired and two people are killed? Could this be pressure, as if to say that if you want law and order, we will start killing? Before things get this far, are there no other ways to avoid reaching the point of bloodshed? I have the impression that the problem is deeper. Behind this paralysis, and not only that of the police, there are certain internal and perhaps also external forces acting deliberately, forces that do not want stability, do not want calm, do not want democracy in Albania, and seek to foster abroad the idea that Albanians are incapable of governing themselves and to pave the way for... Now or never, we must think about the fate of the country, restore calm to the country, and restore to people—the boy, the old man, the girl, the woman—the security to walk peacefully in the streets at any hour, whether lit or unlit. This calm, this security, is a prerequisite for people to roll up their sleeves and set about rebuilding a country that has been utterly devastated. Two or three nights ago, television showed a report on the chaos in traffic. Officials of the Motor Vehicle Inspectorate were accused there of allowing cars without license plates to be driven and of failing to enforce traffic rules.

LONDON. - The chairman of the Democratic Party of Albania, Mr Sali Berisha, is currently on a visit to Great Britain. During his stay in London he was received by Geoffrey Papiti, deputy chairman of the British Conservative Party, and had a long conversation with him about political developments in Albania, the economic situation in the country, and the political situation in the Balkans. Mr Sali Berisha was also received at Downing Street by Mrs Hog, the Prime Minister’s chief adviser, John Major. He acquainted Mrs Hog with the difficulties Albania faces on the road to democratisation. He appealed to Britain to help Albania and the democratic forces establish democracy. The conversation was very cordial. In particular, Mr Sali Berisha requested British material assistance to help hundreds and thousands of political prisoners and internees in Albania return to normal life; they continue to live in inhuman conditions.

After Prime Minister of the Government of National Stability Ylli Bufi gave his briefing to Parliament, Mr Neritan Ceka emphasised the Democratic Party’s strong support for the government and proposed drafting a resolution in support of it. Mr Blerim Çela raised several issues. First, he raised the question of public peace and citizens’ safety. He called for the Hoxha family to answer before a court, the State Security to be purged of Enverists, and the police to be strengthened. Mr Çela urgently called for state smuggling to be stopped. He said that weapons and drugs were also entering Albania through smuggling. This part of his speech was not broadcast on television. Mr Bafleta disagreed with giving the government the right to draft decrees. Only Parliament, he said, has that authority. Mr Hajdari said that “ZP”, the organ of the Socialist Party, was dishonestly attacking members of the Stability Government. He stressed that this leads to destabilisation and is intended to create among the people the impression that even these Democrats in the Government are giving them nothing.

- In court: “Not perpetrators of the killings, but people who abused their office” - Former head of the DPB in Shkodër, Çapajev Tagaj, “knows nothing about anything” - The Ministry imposed the use of force on us - “We are the scapegoats,” declared former police chief Dilaver Papari - The questions “Who are the killers?” and “Who gave the order to shoot?” remain suspended like a heavy stone in the hearts of the victims’ relatives, society, Shkodër and beyond. At long last, after 4 months, it is not the perpetrators of the killings or the leaders who are being called to trial, but those who abused their office. After the presiding judge, Njaim Gjojaj, read out this statement of charges, the courtroom could not help but erupt in indignation and demand a full explanation (if they deserve one) of the charges against these people now sitting before the court. Despite this statement of charges, the three defendants do not accept the indictment. The first defendant, Çapajev Tagaj, who headed the DPB operation and led the operation of 2 April in Shkodër, pleads ignorance on many issues. To many questions from the court... issues. In response to many questions from the court, and to many facts and arguments put to him, he justifies himself by saying that he did not leave his office, but directed things from there by radio and telephone; he dealt with the preparations and his subordinates in the two directions where the mass gatherings were taking place. He says he does not know when the shooting began, does not know who fired a weapon or at whom, and does not know who dispersed the crowds on 1 April. So Çapajev Tagaj does not know; nor was an order given on the evening of 2 April to collect all the police weapons... (Continued on page 5)

The appeals we make in the name of patriotism to stop the national haemorrhage are worthless, almost futile. The words nation, flag, history and Skënderbeu are powerless. Even optimism about a hopeful future is powerless. The terrible isolation has been the greatest advertisement that has truly been made to the world around us. Everyone wants to see it. Everyone has hoped that beyond the border fate would smile on them, that they would succeed, that their sweat would be rewarded better than it has been here until now. The border resembles the fairytale rainbow of childhood, which, as soon as you cross it, turns a girl into a boy, a miserable person into a happy one, and a poor person into a millionaire. I watched our young people sitting in Omonia, waiting for a document from a gentleman who would offer them work. That gleaming car moved towards them. Their bodies surrounded the car, and they drew closer and closer to the gentleman, while their companion beside them was left with less and less. And the gentleman chooses with... (Continued on page 6)

In your latest television interview, your answer to the opposition’s attacks particularly struck me. You boasted that you are gentle and tolerant. It is true that in this respect you differ greatly from your great teacher, for whom, as you have said, there will be only birthday celebrations. But you did not forget to add that there must be evidence for the attacks against you, and that so far you have found none. I am fully convinced that you are mistaken here, Mr President, and I will try to show that a whole mountain of facts weighs upon you. Isn’t it compromising evidence against you that for 45 years you were one of Enver Hoxha’s most zealous pupils, closest associates and fellow worshippers? How did you manage to escape the devastating lightning bolts of Zeus? Isn’t today’s Albania, with all its wounds and hardships, yet with its eyes fixed on the world and its feeble hands stretched out toward it, extremely incriminating evidence against you? Are not hundreds of thousands of political prisoners, internees and people killed by the Enverist dictatorship, around 100,000 refugees scattered like orphans throughout the world, hundreds killed beneath the barbed wire along the border, on the roads of Kavajë, Tirana, Shkodër, etc., or drowned at sea, evidence against you? As head of state, you also bear direct responsibility for the opening of the embassies on 2 July 1990, precisely on the day when Kosovo, with so much effort and sacrifice, was proclaimed a Republic, thereby shifting the world’s attention from Prishtina to Tirana? The creation of the “communist paradise” movement in the Block is also evidence against you. The 1980s were undoubtedly the period of your reign in the party and the state, the time when corruption and abuses by the former members of the Block flourished. Mr Genc Ruli’s report gives figures about you as well. Perhaps even these seem trivial to you. But you are mistaken. Even as a silent witness to the crimes and calamities committed by your comrades-in-ideals, you are just as guilty as they are. If you had been entirely different from them, you would not have prospered; you would not have climbed to the summit of Olympus. They raised you so high and trusted you so much because they were convinced that you were the person closest to them and most worthy of taking Zeus’s throne and sceptre. Now they are asking you to repay your great debt, to save them from the entirely deserved punishment for all their crimes and wrongdoings