It is reported that, under the supervision of the Ministry of Agriculture, the appointment of several former officeholders who had been relieved of their previous duties has gradually begun! 1). Petraq Kalemi, dismissed as chairman of the Executive Committee of the Krujë District People’s Council, was appointed and began working in Tirana at the Seed Directorate, directly under the Ministry of Agriculture. His housing, his wife’s employment, etc., remain problems for him. 2). Efforts are being made to find a job for Mr. Stavri Rista, former chairman of the Executive Committee of the Berat District People’s Council, at the Mechanization Station in Tirana, under the Ministry of Agriculture. 3). It remains a problem to find positions in Tirana for Mrs. Themie Thoma (Lunsh?), Mr. Nedin Hoxha (Vlorë), Mr. Gjergj Velo (Tepelenë), and Mr. Tafik Vero (Lozhë). It is thought that, following the example of Petraq Kalemi’s appointment, serious efforts will be made for the people who were «sacrificed»—the prisoners in Tirana. Meanwhile, other specialists who have spent their entire lives in mud and dust are expected to be put on assistance. Assistance, it seems, excludes former committee chairmen and, moreover, it seems there must be some unwritten law that these positions should be filled by provincials in Tirana, with lies about their arrival from the provinces to Tirana as a reward from the PP (PS). Well done to you!

Changing the system—that is, moving from real totalitarian socialism to the new democratic capitalist society through a democratic revolution—is based on replacing state property with private property, and enslaved labor with free labor. This process, which took place in different stages in all the countries of Eastern Europe, is proving to be more difficult and prolonged than could have been imagined, not only by ordinary people but also by scholars of economic and political sciences. During this revolution, the forces that accelerate and help its development are taking shape and emerging. First and foremost, the establishment and strengthening of democratic institutions must be mentioned; alongside them, however, other forces are also gathering and forming, hindering and endangering its development. Thus, today, here and in several other countries of Eastern Europe, a new and dangerous enemy of democracy has emerged. Taken as a whole, this may be called the alliance of crypto-communists (secret communists), various elements of the State Security service (those who have committed crimes), and ultranationalists. On the Albanian political scene, this alliance is becoming increasingly evident and, I would say, more dangerous than in some other countries. This is due to certain specific features of the political scene and of the groups making up this alliance, which we are analyzing. Apparatchiks of every level, from village leaders or former village leaders all the way to parliament, the government, and the president. These are people who have allowed themselves abuses, misconduct, and unlawful privileges; who trampled on family traditions, if they had any, and adopted the traits of the apparatchik, the amoral slave of the party-state. For them, too, the communist dictatorship was their lost paradise. It must be acknowledged that Albanian crypto-communists are genuine feudalocrats. Their legacy is anti-Albanian. Evidence of this is the vicious class war they waged, their position on the national question, ignorance, backwardness, bajraktarism, lack of culture, unconditional submission to the master, brutal oppression of the people, and corruption of every kind. These are the traits of Albania’s red feudalocrats. There are many crypto-communists in Albania; they are grouping together, changing from a political nomenklatura into an economic nomenklatura, forming ties with one another, appointing one another to important posts and positions, becoming representatives of foreign firms, etc. This dangerous group is strengthening its secret ties with another group, which may be described as the most virulent and aggressive group in the aforementioned alliance: employees of the State Security service. Here… …the nationalists who, according to the law that says the two extremes do not meet, are nevertheless ready to form any alliance to realize their nationalist cravings, which have nothing in common either with the principles of the Helsinki Act or with the UN Charter, the international bible of the political, social, and economic relations of every group, organization, party, or state. In this grouping, crypto-communists and the State Security service see their hope of salvation, because they are united with them by the aim of dictatorship. Which dictatorship? The red dictatorship cannot be established; it buried good people. The dictatorship that could be established is a right-wing one. Notice the writings and statements of the crypto-communists from within the Socialist Party. Every day they talk about a right-wing dictatorship; they even ordered someone to describe the dictator. To this end, they make insinuations about the DP and cite my visit to England at the invitation of the Conservative Party as evidence—which, according to this logic, must have established a right-wing dictatorship. Poor England! How much it must be suffering under dictatorship! Naturally, the aim here is something else. The real aim of this alliance is to establish the right-wing dictatorship that Albania has experienced, and for no short time. The means this alliance uses to achieve this goal are: First, an attack on the Albanian opposition, the DP and the other parties in some other countries, because of certain particularities of the political scene and of the groups that make up this alliance, which we analyze below. Crypto-communists (secret communists), or those we would call Enverists: those conservative and dishonest communists. Naturally, this does not include members of the Party of Labour who worked and lived honorably and honestly, and hundreds of thousands of whom made an undeniable contribution to democratic developments. On March 31, they voted for the Democratic Party and later left the ranks of the Party of Labour because it had long since betrayed their democratic ideals and aspirations. Thus, a communist can be a democrat, whereas the reverse cannot happen. Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged that Albania still has a considerable number of secret communists whose hearts ache every day for the order that passed away. Unfortunately, they are found at every level, and I will give just one example. During parliamentary debate on the law on political parties, I proposed the approval of an article prohibiting the formation of parties seeking to build the kind of society we experienced for half a century—that is, a communist dictatorship. Some gentlemen MPs, although they are now members of the Socialist Party, reacted sharply to me, unjustly labeling me a nihilist. In my speech, I did not analyze the system; rather, I said that this was clear to everyone: anyone wishing for a red and savage dictatorship—which, like every dictatorship, must be prohibited by law—must be forbidden to call for it. But to the secret communists, this was anti-communist, thereby clearly demonstrating that they have not turned into socialists, that they are nostalgic for the dictator and the dictatorship, since one’s attitude toward Enver Hoxha and his regime is undoubtedly an attitude toward dictatorship. Albanian crypto-communists are found mainly among the ranks of the red nomenklatura, which puts its own elite first and leaves the people neglected to one side. But they are also found among the ranks of On the Albanian political scene ...

I, Flamur Çato, Investigator at the General Investigation Directorate, having studied the materials collected in investigation file No. 3 , ESTABLISHED On 25.07.1991, a report requesting criminal prosecution was received by the General Investigation Directorate, concerning the inspection conducted by the Ministry of Finance and the State Audit Commission into the financial and economic activity of the former Reception Directorate for the period 1988–90. As a result of this activity, the state’s interests suffered economic damage amounting to 12 million lekë. The 36 persons named in the report include the President of the Republic. Given that Law No. 7491 of 29.04.91, «On the Main Constitutional Provisions», specifically Article 31 of this Law, expressly stipulates that the President of the Republic is not liable for acts carried out in the exercise of his functions, except in cases of treason against the Fatherland or violation of this law—circumstances that do not exist in the reported material—and pursuant to Article 72 (the condition provided for by Article 71/10) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, I HAVE DECIDED To refuse to open criminal proceedings against the President of the Republic. I shall notify the Ministry of Finance and the State Audit Commission of this decision; they have the right to appeal to the Prosecutor General within five days of receiving notice. A copy of this decision shall be sent immediately to the Prosecutor General.

Perhaps the formalistic investigator Flamur Çato and the Legal Bureau that supported him may say that they have the right to make such a decision. But we would ask these gentlemen: would it not also have been to the honor of the President of the country for him himself to insist that this investigation be pursued to the end and to face the people—this is who I am, your president? How can any citizen of Albania accept in their heart a president carrying a burden of serious accusations, weighed down by a series of suspicions? This concerns criminal misuse of the people’s money, sweat, and property. So how can a president with such a burden of accusations on his shoulders continue to be at ease? Let alone the other accusations that have been made. Why does he not come out openly before the people and give explanations, especially since this concerns a report meticulously prepared by our ministries and our parliamentary commission, a report officially submitted to parliament and widely published in our press? So how can he remain silent, how can things continue as if nothing has happened, how can he continue to be president? No, Mr. Investigator, and you gentlemen of the Legal Bureau, you have not acted justly. No, Mr. President, the accusations are far too serious to be passed over in silence or avoided by not attending parliamentary sessions. Besides, we do not live isolated from the world. History, even that of recent decades, is full of dozens of cases in which prime ministers, ministers, presidents, and even members of royal households have resigned or been brought to trial. Recall for a moment the Lockheed scandal—how many heads of state and government officials resigned. Recall US President Nixon. Recall the recent Koskota scandal in neighboring Greece. And so many others. Is Albania, in this matter too, going to live as if on another planet, as the dictatorial regime made us live for half a century? No. I think justice must be done. Moreover, I think legal proceedings cannot honestly continue against the other 34 figures implicated in the report on the abuses if the president, the second person on the list of misappropriations and abuses, is excluded from any investigation. Justice must act equally for everyone.

«ZP» has been «concerned» about why «RD» kept silent about the visit to Albania by our country’s honored guest, Kosiga. Its correspondent writes on the matter: «It is difficult to understand, but even more difficult to explain»(!). As the flattering mouthpiece of red tyranny, «ZP» has never wanted to understand realities. This is also evident in the case of the visit to Albania by the honored Kosiga. «ZP» slanders and distorts, sets traps. It does this not because its correspondents are ignorant, but because of its chronic, incurable political myopia. None of the democratic opposition’s press organs could report President Kosiga’s visit to Albania in time. «ZP» did so because, as is well known, it is in a privileged position and has its own printing press at its disposal. The ruling monism has denied the opposition press the right to be on an equal footing with «ZP» in this respect. In this way, «ZP» is given room to manipulate, while the opposition press has to submit its material at least a day in advance. The opposition press, including «RD», lacks official information. In this respect, it is deprived and censored. Our editorial office was also given very little notice of the press conference organized for the occasion. Someone apparently had an interest in ensuring that «RD» newspapers did not attend this press conference, or others like it. «ZP»’s report shows who had an interest in this. Perhaps we should not apologize to «ZP» for failing to inform it how «RD»’s editorial office had planned to present Mr. Kosiga’s visit to Albania. For the record, and in the interests of accuracy, it should be said that, in a conversation with the Italian ambassador to our country, Mr. Turin Tortikato Kardilli, it had been agreed that «RD» would publish an interview with him to acquaint readers with the assistance Italy has given us. This proved impossible, and the editorial office understands the reasons. The visit was very tightly scheduled, and the ambassador’s time was therefore extremely limited. Gentlemen of «ZP», you Enverists, stop pretending to be ignorant. If you truly are ignorant, at least stop being dishonest in your reporting and publications. The Democratic Party was the first political party in Albania to raise the slogan «Let’s make Albania like all of Europe!» under the conditions of a murderous dictatorship and the clanking of our chains. The visits and meetings of DP leaders with Italian statesmen, and the understanding, sincerity, and shared ideals expressed on these occasions, leave no room for stale insinuations and irony with an all-too-obvious meaning. The Democratic Party was the first party in Italy as a friendly country

Along with all the evils that are increasing day by day as a result of the deepening all-round crisis inherited from the past—such as food shortages, loss of patience, and crime—the number of provocateurs is also growing rapidly. They are playing the role of rats infected with the plague, which intensified the misery and calamities of poor peoples in the Middle Ages. Public opinion, swept up in the many major problems gnawing at Albanian society from every side, is failing to pay sufficient attention to stopping the tragicomic flourishing of this pernicious breed. On the other hand, harmful professional and political confusion and anarchy prevail in our press. These are not characteristics of a serious and free press, but of an amateurish and perverse press that feeds its public only sensational false rumors and speculative figures produced by the mills of individuals consumed by the delusion of seizing power they either dream of or have lost. This flourishing of provocateurs, who are not by chance finding a place mainly in the peripheral press, is tragicomic not only in appearance but also in its consequences. Let us recall for a moment the insinuations made against Mr. Agim Mero. There is no need to say here who Agim Mero is. His standing is already well known to everyone. Indeed, there are even people who pretend to know him. It is therefore painful not only for him personally, but also for the broad mass of people who aspire to the consolidation of democracy in Albania, to see this democratic deputy and minister publicly compelled to ask the Presidium of the People’s Assembly to verify and analyze the allegation and to declare: «If it is confirmed, I ask the Assembly to dismiss me from my ministerial post and strip me of my mandate as a deputy.» This statement shows better than anything how deeply the person under attack has been wounded. But, with the extreme condition he sets, the statement also makes plain how ridiculous and shameful the position of those who fabricated and published the slander has become. The provocateurs have chosen not only the press but every kind of public stage and every new or old method that gives them an opportunity to vent the venom they bear toward the proper development of Albania’s new democracy. Wrapped in this unprincipled packaging, they present themselves as accusers when they address an anonymous lightning letter to a democratic minister, in the style of a pristine modern state, and also when they take the floor in parliament in the name of their constituents. They insult their opposition colleagues...

The Mufti. The complaint is being brought: a) For the misuse of the funds allocated to him, as well as to members of 36 other families who were identified by the inspection of the Reception Directorate. b) For his responsibility in issuing numerous authorizations, while serving as deputy minister, to grant privileges to the bloc members. «RD» correspondent