Last Friday, the organ of the Soviet armed forces, the newspaper «Krasnaja zvjezda», published an appeal to military personnel who «are serving in the CPSU to stand together» against «the unrestrained offensive of anti-communist forces against the Party». On Friday, Aleksandër Jakovliev, a former close associate of Gorb[a]çov and one of the architects of perestroika, announced that he was leaving the CPSU. In a statement, he warned the country to be vigilant, asserting that «the leadership of the CPSU is preparing a coup d’état in the Party and in the state». On Monday the coup d’état was carried out. President Gorbaçov was replaced as leader of the Soviet Union by his deputy, Genadi Janajev, and a state of emergency was declared in several regions of the country. Television screens meanwhile showed armored personnel carriers passing in front of Moscow University towards Vernadski Boulevard, a road leading to the Kremlin; civilians were beside them, shouting insults, blocking their way with their bodies, fighting with the tank crews as they tried to get them out of the tanks, and so on. The Soviet news agency TASS, for its part, announced the formation of a State Committee for the State of Emergency, whose members include Janajev, whom the news agency described as «a dyed-in-the-wool bureaucrat and adherent of the hard-line conservative faction in the CPSU, V. Kryçkov, chairman of the ... ...nist, unconstitutional, and anti-democratic, they usurped all power, violating Party norms and the will of the Supreme Soviet with the chains of tanks. They acted treacherously, exploiting Gorbaçov’s absence from the Kremlin. Mihail Gorbaçov is undoubtedly a powerful personality and a world figure who exercised an undeniable influence on recent positive developments in the international arena, a great reformer who courageously embarked on the path of democratic transformation in the Soviet Union, even if he dragged his feet on those reforms—and therein lies his weakness, the Achilles’ heel exploited by his opponents. His activities seriously endangered the pan-Slavist interests of the Kremlin courtiers, their dreams of world hegemony, and infringed upon the privileges and power of the foundation of the Russian state: the all-powerful, parasitic, traditionalist militarist caste. He discarded many lifeless dogmas of Bolshevism, giving the country room to breathe freely, although here too he lacked the determination to see things through to the end at the necessary pace. This too was exploited by his opponents, by the broad stratum of bureaucratic Party apparatchiks who, in pursuit of their selfish interests, united as natural allies of the senior military caste. He opened the way to a market economy in the Soviet Union, thereby disturbing the sleep ... On the morning of the day after this day, in the church of the vill- (Continued on page 2) ... of the polar bear’s heavy burden, the incapable and rotten Soviet bourgeoisie, offspring of the failed socialist system. This regressive trinity, which brought the Soviet Union to the brink of catastrophe and turned the Soviet people into a hungry population, which trampled on the pride and dignity of the Soviet peoples, plotted the military coup d’état to turn back the wheel of history and impose a bloody Stalinist-Brezhnevite dictatorship. Recent developments in the Kremlin, if the Soviet peoples allow them to unfold and take eff- (Continued on page 6) etc. formation of an Extraordinary State Committee whose members include Yanayev, whom the news agency describes as «a washed-out bureaucrat and follower of the hard-line conservative faction in the CPSU», V. Kryuchkov, chairman of the KGB, B. Pugo, Minister of the Interior, D. Yazov, Minister of Defence, O. Bakanov, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, V. Pavlov, Prime Minister of the USSR, etc. The composition of this Committee clearly testifies to the authorship of the coup and its character. The police and the high military caste, the rotten Soviet party and state bureaucracy who are the executors and supporters of Gorbachev’s overthrow, having carried out their vile deed, issued a declaration presenting themselves as the country’s saviors. In fact, they carried out a conspiracy in the style of the Tsarist court, a coup d’état in the Stalinist style—

On Wednesday, 14.8.1991, the Korçë branch of the DP organized a discussion with the citizens and intellectuals of the city at the sports palace, inviting the chairman of the DPSh, Mr. Sali Berisha, to attend as well. The meeting was opened by the secretary of the Korçë DP branch, Mr. P. Minga. Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha then took the floor. In his speech, he once again highlighted the major contribution made by the democrats of Korçë to the destruction of Bolshevik rule, which caused our people so much pain and tragedy. Speaking about the exodus and the Bitinckë incident, Mr. Berisha described them as elements of a scenario prepared by certain political forces to exhaust our people and make them skeptical about democracy. Referring to the DP’s aims, Dr. Berisha spoke about the destabilizing role of the state security service and the crypto-communist-ultranationalist alliance, and about exoduses as prearranged scenarios also intended to discredit democracy and the democrats. The recent killing in Durrës of the innocent 34-year-old man from Librazhd, Sh. Billoshmi, served this purpose as well. This ploy failed. The criminals were arrested and will be brought to trial. The dismantling of the state security service and the pardoning of all political prisoners are imperatives of the time. We, Mr. Berisha said, took action to ensure stability, avert possible bloodshed, and preserve social peace; we called for the files to be closed because we do not want another class war. ***

Socialism plus a market economy equals paradox Leszek Balcerowicz is only 43 years old and, although he has been dubbed the «father» of the Polish economy. Leszek Balcerowicz is only 43 years old and, although he has been dubbed the «father» of the Polish economy, the partisan of shock therapy, implementer of the International Monetary Fund’s plan, and young economist in the role of director began putting the carefully prepared script into action in January 1990. First plan: End state subsidies. Second plan: Liberalize prices. Third plan: Freeze wages, convert money, «inaugurate» the black market. The result: Every month, workers’ standard of living fell by 20 percent; 100,000 cars were «immobilized» by the high price of gasoline. The sale prices of gas and electricity rose by 400 percent. The prices of bread, flour, and meat became astronomical. At the very time this scenario was being «filmed», a journalist asked the well-known economist these questions: Question: Do you know that implementing the economic program could lead to a social revolt? Answer: I do. But the government has an economic policy, not a social policy. I am implementing the economic program. Question: Do you know that women and children hate your name? Answer: I do. There is a limit to the people’s resistance. But everyone knows that the transition to a market economy cannot be achieved without high costs, without these sacrifices by the people, or even without this hatred of women for the architects of the economic program. ... In Albania, too, a young economist has taken on the role of director of economic reforms. He too is a partisan of shock therapy. He follows and implements the advice of experts from the International Monetary Fund. But can Gramoz Pashko also be dubbed the «father of the Albanian economy»? It is far too early to reach such a conclusion. The Albanian terrain is full of monopolies. Today everyone talks about the market economy. The opposition speaks of it. The socialists discuss it too. (The Communists.) Only the modern term «market economy» also has a simple, centuries-old meaning: capitalist economy. But capitalism does not inspire much love among socialists. And that is understandable: for half a century this society has been condemned. Now the condemned, the sour one, is expected to become sweet, lovable, adored. It is known that capitalist society also has its own proletarian class: the capitalist class. Does this class exist in Albania? Its members were scattered over half a century. Some because of the class struggle. Some to seize their gold. Some to inherit their movable and immovable property. The «witch hunt» was also carried out against members of capitalist society. The private individual was seen as an enemy and punished. The peasant market was extinguished. The artisans were destroyed. Every cell of capitalist culture was violated. Today in Albania, as in no other country in the world, including the countries of the East (Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, etc.), the dictatorship has destroyed the collective memory of capitalism. Even economists, let alone the people, know nothing about fiscal policy (taxes and duties). For example, if you say that taxes and duties are the engine of a market economy, they will surely take you for a fool or an agent of imperialism. You cannot find more than 10–15 economists who know how to calculate inflation and discuss its role in the economic balance. Albania is the only country, perhaps on the planet, that still has no commercial code, even though throughout the world such codes are based on Napoleon’s five codes. (This commercial code existed in Zog’s time.) In this unfamiliar land, the team led by Gramoz Pashko began laying the foundations of economic reform. But what are these foundations like? They have no base. It is a castle they are trying to build on sand. To speak without metaphors, Mr. Pashko, as a contemporary economist, presents the advice of experts from the International Monetary Fund. Many reform-minded economists in numerous Eastern European countries, as well as in Malaysia, Thailand, Cameroon, Indonesia, etc., are doing the same today. That is in theory. What about in practice? The International Monetary Fund recommends freezing wages. In Albania, the launch of economic reforms called for a 50 percent increase in wages. Then pensions were raised by the same amount. These were necessary measures. Albanians live at the poverty line. Wages and pensions are at the minimum level. But raising wages and pensions is a double-edged sword in a socialist economy seeking to make the transition to a market economy through shock therapy ... spread over many years. One proposal was for the enterprise to pay the assistance. Another proposed that assistance be provided to every specialty. Even «Zëri i popullit», which for 45 years did not say a word about workers’ low wages, or about why it presented them as models of well-being, expresses surprise that not all the unemployed in Albania receive this assistance. All these demands (including that of ZP), in relation to reality and Albanian poverty, are fair, logical, and necessary. But in relation to the state treasury, which has a hole in it, the level of production achieved—which has not climbed above 30 percent this year—and imports, which are at this level, these demands are anachronistic. This assistance feeds the inflation mill. This fact must not be forgotten either. This economic program aims to build a capitalist economy. In capitalism, the first law is profit. Distribution comes after that. The architecture of a market economy is difficult. Albanian reality makes it even more complicated. That is why the building rises slowly. Extremely slowly. Indeed, there is more destruction than construction. Villages are being destroyed. Trains, schools, bakeries (!) are being wrecked. Windows are being broken and shops looted. And all this while Albania needs work, construction, exports, and imports so badly. Two major factors, one political and the other economic, stand as barriers to implementing economic reform. First, the economic factor: the experience of the countries of Eastern Europe is well known. The transition from a planned and command economy to a market economy (read: capitalist) cannot be made without Western assistance and support. Western Europe and America have created suitable institutions to support this historic process. Billions of dollars have been poured in over the past two years as military aid and investment in East Germany, for ... therapy ... construction. Villages are being destroyed. Trains, schools, bakeries (!) ...

The conference of the Democratic Women’s League on the Congress, held in the convention hall of the «A. Z. Çajupi» Theatre in the city of Korçë on 12.8.1991, was conclusive and impressive. They spoke about their daughters and their writers, expressed their concerns, and discussed the truth about the country’s national tragedy. In this new political situation, the high optimism of the women of Korçë about the future was characteristic of the gathering. In a letter addressed to the President and the Government, they expressed solidarity with the women of Kosovo; they asked that women’s interests be protected during the transition to a market economy, that the process of bringing those who had misused and abused it to trial be set in motion, that the Republic of Kosovo be recognized, etc. The conference was honored by the participation of the writer and MP Ms. Natasha Lako and the «People’s Artist» actress Ms. Tinka Kurti. RD correspondent

Question: Mr. Ambassador, the Albanian public has learned in recent days about the generous aid that the Italian people and government are offering Albania. — Interview with Mr. Torkuato Kardili, Italy’s ambassador in Tirana. — Question: Mr. Ambassador, the Albanian public has learned in recent days about the generous aid that the Italian people and government are offering Albania in these difficult days. Could you tell us something about this aid? Answer: Italy’s commitment to help Albania build democracy and emerge from the darkness of a long dictatorship was immediate, stated and concrete. It has not changed, and neither has the support of the West. Western Europe, together with America, has established joint institutions to support these historic processes. Billions of dollars have been poured over these two years into food aid and investment in East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania. And what about Albania? Investments and aid amount to no more than a few million dollars. Very little—to say nothing at all—for a socialist economy that claims it is moving to a market economy. But why is this happening? Who is to blame? What about Albania? Initially, Enverism condemned Albania to separation from Europe. Pluralism had to be established before Europe and America would admit Albania to the CSCE. Since the day Albania was admitted to the CSCE, in the middle of this year, Europe has helped us, and the West has supported us. East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania. Answer: The Italian government has undertaken to provide Albania with aid worth 1 billion lire a day starting on 1 September, and this will continue for 3 months; that is, it will provide aid worth 90 billion lire. In addition, we sent 30 billion lire in repayable aid credit to Rome on 4 July and 30 billion in credit. Question: What can you tell us about the recent agreements, about the aid Italy will give Albania starting on 1 September? Rome on 4 July and 30 billion in credit before, ever. Aware of our responsibilities and with a sense of sorrow over this deep crisis in Italy, even before the elections we provided concrete aid to the Albanian people. Naturally, in a country where everything was controlled by the state, we had to trust the state structures, but we asked the Albanian authorities to establish a committee to monitor the distribution of the aid. It was set up, and on 19 March the first aid arrived: food and pharmaceutical products in a ratio of 8 to 2, with a total value of 10 billion lire. Immediately after the elections, we proceeded with another 10 billion lire in aid, again in food and pharmaceutical products, maintaining the same ratio of 8 to 2. For the second distribution, we no longer had a committee because the Albanian state had become pluralist. We do not know where this aid ended up; the Albanian government knows that. I can say that 80 TIR trucks have arrived, each carrying 20 tons of chicke- (Continued on page 5) (Blurry photograph, with no legible caption.)

«Strangely», the information speculators spring to life after every important event. By now, this has become an operating logic. Even a tragic event such as the latest exodus did not escape this pernicious logic. The aim is, regardless of circumstances or timing, to extract the smallest possible amount of political capital. The same thing happened with Sokol Qose’s article, published in «Zëri i popullit» on 17.8.91, an organ now of minor importance, whose «objective» information has become a source of ...: The article outraged public opinion in Durrës for many reasons. I say all public opinion in Durrës because the whole of public opinion witnessed, for days on end, what was happening against its will. Public opinion in Durrës was also de- (Continued on page 2)

The coup d’état in the Soviet Union, carried out by the conservative wing of the Communists, the secret police, and the senior military caste, constitutes a severe blow to democratic forces in the Soviet Union. It is also a serious blow to the aspirations and ideals of democracy in Europe and, more broadly, to humanity. This act may lead to a return to the use of force in the Cold War, to confrontations and bloodshed, and to a flagrant violation of the principles agreed upon in Paris for a new Europe. This is the most serious attack against the principles of Helsinki. Gorbaçov is the initiator of peaceful processes to replace the harsh communist dictatorship. Its creation is also a clear signal to other countries of Eastern Europe that are undergoing this process. The message is clear. There can be no middle road between dictatorship and democracy! This shocking event in contemporary world politics could have serious consequences for the democratic process in the tense region of the Balkans and in Albania. It could inspire Enverist, Communist, neo-Communist, and conservative elements to take action: the traditional forces of dictatorship and violations of human rights, and anti-national elements and groups inside and outside the country. The Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and the Social Democratic Party call on the Albanian people, all democratic forces, and their members and supporters to follow with particular attention and care the new political situation created in the world, so as to meet any possible anti-democratic action. They are convinced that the way to avoid a reversal is to coordinate all forces and deepen the reform process. They call on the democratic forces of the West to increase their interest and direct commitment to helping the democratic opposition forces in Albania. They call for this as a necessary way for Albania’s democratic forces to continue to participate effectively in the democratization processes defined by the spirit of Helsinki. DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF ALBANIA ALBANIAN REPUBLICAN PARTY SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF ALBANIA