Recently, in a statement made to reassure himself, Ramiz Alia declared that for some 30 years he had heard the noise of reforms, but it seems he had not understood what they meant! Such "caution" has characterized him, among other things, in taking that desired distance from Stalinism in our country. On the one hand, he generally recognizes its failure. This is shown, among other things, by the question he asked with a smile to the first pluralist parliamentarians: what kind of transition had they supposedly gone through if the socialist system is so failed. On the other hand, he tries fanatically to preserve the old taboos, dressing them in new colors and throwing dust in the eyes of Albanians already accustomed to his national-communist demagoguery. Apparently, it is worth reminding him what Stalinism essentially was in our country. It was nothing other than an even more deformed mutation of the Soviet model. At least the latter was liquidated with Stalin's death, whereas in Albania its reflection, significantly hardened by the country's circumstances, continued until our own day. It had some general characteristics strange to all socialist countries, but also some specific traits for our country. Being completely cut off from society, which was not consulted at all about the fate of the country, Stalinist power was interested in monopolizing the political and social life of the people in order to ensure internal stability. It sought to penetrate and control all cells of the social organism, the family, organizations, cultural and artistic institutions, with the aim of turning the people into a meek herd, incapable of resistance. At the same time, at its center stood the cult of the individual, through which it imposed on the masses the idea of the infallibility of the leader and of power. To achieve these aims, Stalinist power mobilized everything. Propaganda, the secret police, the internment-expulsion mechanism, exemplary punishments, mass organizations, the school, literature, art, science, even history. A general atmosphere of fear, servility, and hypocrisy was created, where the ordinary person was forced to say one thing and think another. In Albania this system became even harsher because of extreme isolation, economic backwardness, and Enver Hoxha's personal power. The destruction of pluralism, the suppression of free thought, class struggle, periodic purges, prisons and camps gave this regime a savage and irredeemable face. Even after Hoxha's death, many of these mechanisms remained intact and were carefully used by his successors. Today, when Albanian society is seeking democracy, the rule of law, and a market economy, defending the remnants of Stalinism poses a danger to the country's future. No one can evade historical responsibility for this legacy. All the less so those who built it, justified it, and defended it for decades. (text partially illegible in the image)

Outside the present and the bitter past, the paths facing Albanians on both sides of the border are very difficult today. The Albanian people in Kosovo face brutal repression, the denial of national and human rights, and the violence of the Serbian apparatus. On the other hand, Albania is trying to emerge from a long period of isolation, poverty, and totalitarian rule. In these conditions, spiritual and national ties become even more important. Kosovo and Albania make up parts of a single whole, but they also carry different hopes nourished by the same desire for freedom and national dignity. For Albanians, the national question cannot be separated from the question of democracy. If in Kosovo resistance requires patience, wisdom, and solidarity, in Albania the democratic transformation requires courage, responsibility, and vision. Only a free, democratic, and developed Albania can become a true moral and national support for Kosovo. However, the road is not easy. There are old wounds, distrust, insecurity, and poverty. There are also forces that try to keep Albanians divided, exhausted, and hopeless. But the time is calling for a new national consciousness, not fed by hatred, but by rights and freedom. This is why today we need fewer slogans and more historical responsibility. Albania and Kosovo are part of the same drama and the same hope. (Continues on page 6)

INTERVIEW WITH THE CHAIRMAN OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE TIRANA DISTRICT, MR. TOTOR QALASI. QALASI: Hoping that in this 1996[?] some acute and complicated problems will be solved, I would say that if the figures, the balances of this period are sad, the perspective is such that everyone's thought falls upon it. Both to understand reality and to seek a way out. You asked me about the situation in Tirana. It is extremely serious. Before speaking about care for Tirana's problems, let me tell you that Tirana is the city with the fastest demographic growth in the country. Every day hundreds of families from different districts arrive, without infrastructure, without housing, without work. This makes the administration of urban life extremely difficult. Recently, Tirana has also experienced serious shortages in the supply of drinking water, electricity, food items, and services. The municipal enterprises are in a difficult condition, the equipment is outdated, while the demands increase every day. Nevertheless, we are trying to define some priority directions: organizing trade, improving supply, regulating urban transport, cleaning the city, and easing the housing shortage. Immediate intervention is needed, but also a longer-term vision. In the current conditions, citizens have the right to ask for accountability. There must be transparency, there must be cooperation with public opinion, and there must be an administration that does not hide behind excuses. The crisis is not overcome with words. Question: And in terms of food supply? Answer: The situation is very difficult. There are shortages, irregular distribution, cases of abuse, and dissatisfaction. We are trying to ensure daily bread, milk for children, supplies of oil, sugar, and other basic items. But needs are greater than possibilities. Question: And what about urban transport? Answer: There are many difficulties here too. The vehicle fleet is worn out, spare parts are lacking, and fuel is limited. There are lines that cannot cope with the flow of passengers, and citizens wait a long time at the stops. Question: What is the hope? Answer: Hope comes from work, from organization, from the help that can be secured, and from the involvement of citizens. Tirana cannot be left at the mercy of fate. It needs generations of hope, not empty promises. (Continues on page 6)

* Chronicle * Chronicle On 28.9.1991, the deputy minister of the Albanian government, Mr. Ylli Bufi, received in audience a high-level economic delegation from the Federal Republic of Germany, led by Mr. Hartmut Hohmann [?]. The meeting discussed possibilities for economic cooperation and technical assistance. PRESS POSITION In a press statement it was said that the Albanian government would closely follow the latest political and economic developments in the country. (Continues on page 6)