On Sunday, 18 July, the national assembly of the PD met in Tirana and decided to open the election campaign within the party. At the same time, the dates for the conferences of the PD branches in the districts were approved, as was the date for the opening of the National Congress, on 27 September. Speaking at the assembly were the Chairman of the PD Justice Commission, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, and the secretary of this Commission, Eduart Selami. RD correspondent

The Waterloo of the generals, the KGB, and all the dark, bureaucratized and feudalized forces of Soviet society lasted sixty-one hours. Like the fascist juntas of Latin America, they tried, with an iron fist, to restore the Soviet Union as a prison under the ultradictatorial, bankrupt system of Stalinist feudal socialism. Isolated from life, from international reality, and from their own people, these nostalgics of total despair embarked on an ill-fated adventure destined to become their Waterloo as well. The great Russian people, the Soviet peoples, were the first in modern history to rise courageously for a new world, to open an era for all humanity. For their ideal, they accepted enormous sacrifices with a generosity of spirit worthy of admiration. They were betrayed and treacherously and terribly disillusioned by the red dictators, too. Last May Day, they marched with the slogan, “Proletarians of all countries, forgive us!” They gave substance to their apology through their efforts for a truly new and dignified life, and through their desire to stand with dignity alongside genuinely free and democratic peoples and countries. They could not allow themselves another disillusionment, and so they rose in mass demonstrations, laying their bodies in front of tanks to say “No” to the neostalinist dictatorship that tried to return them to the abyss of the gulags, poverty, and humiliation. It is to their credit, and to that of all the democratic political forces and figures of Jelcin and Shevarnadze, and the mayor of Peterburg (formerly Leningrad), that the Soviet Union and the world were not confronted with ominous, tragic alternatives, and that history was allowed to take its course. It will also be to their credit if they understand the truth: that, while the old communist-Bolshevik structures are retained, whatever form they may serve in, and with dubious, compromised figures from the past remaining in power, however reformist they may claim to be, it is impossible to move forward toward democracy without seriously endangering it. In the overthrow of governments, one cannot overlook the role played by the international solidarity of all democratic forces, peoples, and states during these difficult days; the supportive climate and complete isolation imposed on the antidemocratic and unconstitutional usurpers in the international arena; and their strong, unanimous condemnation. Dictators and adventurers such as Sadam Hyseini and Kadafi openly welcomed the fascist coup by the warmongering generals and the KGB mafia in the Soviet Union. It is highly significant that Yugoslavia’s vice president, the Serb Branko Kostiç, came to their defense, declaring that “the new leadership of the Soviet Union cannot stop the process of democratization in the country. There is no reason to fear such a thing, or the leadership will turn the wheel of history backwards.” Such dark external forces, seeking to plunge Europe, the Balkans, and even the world into the flames of a new war, also clearly reveal the nature of the Kremlin’s ambitions and failures. Recent events in the Soviet Union and the reaction to them in that country and throughout the region show that Stalinism, as the most brutal variant of communist dictatorship, has come to an end once and for all as an ideology, a system, and a practice. It has been buried, never to return, along with its ghosts. The world has entered a new era, on the road to democracy and freedom. The Albanian people, fully committed to the path of democracy, rejoice at the immediate and desired turn of events in the Soviet Union. They are aware of the dangers they would have had to face otherwise, both within the country, from the weakened but not destroyed Stalinist-Enverist forces that still remain a potential threat, and from their allies in Milošević’s Stalinist Serbia, ready to launch another aggression against our country at the most opportune moment. Albania’s new democracy draws the necessary lessons and takes this opportunity to defend and carry through its ideal and that of the Albanian people, putting an end to dictatorship in Albania once and for all. BASHKIM TRENOVA

This is a sensitive phase in the life of the nation. In public opinion, both domestic and foreign, many questions are being raised that require clear and prompt answers. 1. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ALBANIA AND KOSOVO. Kosovo has its own very great wounds, and Albania has... neither one side nor the other. Leaders and envoys for deepening these relations must be people with professional training in various fields of politics, economics, science, culture, education, information, sport, etc. Contacts between them must be institutionalized. Whether we like it or not, the opening of the border—or, as it is commonly called in political parlance, the fall of the “Albanian Berlin Wall”—is feared not only by Serbia, but also by the remaining structures of the one-party regime in Albania, which understand clearly that establishing communication between the separated parts of the nation makes it impossible to accept... We must acknowledge that the lack of communication in Albania-Kosovo relations has taken its toll, and the consequences are almost tragic. The separation of Albanians was not only a geopolitical division; especially since the last war, there have been efforts to make it a historical division. To put it plainly, not only Yugoslavia but Albania as well—or, to be precise, the regime in power—had an interest in bringing about this division. Even now, although a new situation has emerged, there is still interest on both sides in disrupting these relations or, at the very least, making them as... They should be based on rational relations, and emotional burdens, various sophistries, and any possible misunderstandings should gradually be set aside. The leaders and envoys for the proper deepening and development of these relations cannot be various vagabonds, hooligans, swindlers, or agents of the state security services of one... ted. It is not only Serbia that fears the opening of the border—or, in popular political language, the bringing down of the «Albanian Berlin Wall»—but also the remaining structures of the one-party regime in Albania. They the nation will make it impossible to halt the integration processes already under way and the spread of a new European spirit, the greatest enemy of the Belgrade regime and of the dictatorship in Albania. 2. ANTI-KOSOVO SENTIMENT Someone might say it is a great exaggeration to claim that anti-Kosovo sentiment already exists in Albania. Yet there is something that is casually and methodically tangling relations between the separated parts of our people. When democratic processes began in Albania, the regime here was making an increasingly visible distinction within Albania (Continued on page 6)

On 20 August 1991, Mr Azem Hajdari, a member of the Steering Commission and a Democratic Party deputy, met with PD members and supporters in the town of Mamurras. Meanwhile, Mr Blerim Çela held a similar meeting in the town of Fush-Krujë. At these meetings, they spoke about the struggle waged by the PD parliamentary group to pass laws in line with Western European standards. They also made clear that power belongs to the PS, from the president to parliament and the government. “We support the national stability government,” they stressed, but ZP continually criticized the PD ministers in order to create the impression that political and economic instability was the result of the PD’s work. In fact, our ministers are sincerely trying to help stabilize the situation, ensure that agricultural specialists remain employed, supply the market with food and industrial goods, and distribute aid fairly. They also spoke about the destruction of the second-to-last ecod and demanded that the former senior leaders of the RP, who abused the people, starting with the Hoxha and Alla families, be held accountable. RD correspondent

These days, the Lushnjë district branch of the Democratic Party, in addition to its meeting with Rreshp Uken, also organized a meeting with its youth organization and some of its supporters. In his speech, Mr Berisha spoke about and discussed the path that should be followed in the transition to a market economy. Mr S. Berisha, Isuf L..., Mr G. Xh..., etc. attended the meeting. (The bottom part of the text is illegible/cut off)

Nanos, because the Government of Stability is delaying. It was set as a task to speed up the preparation of the staff, to familiarize them with the mechanisms of the market economy, with rapprochement, etc. As for economic reform in the countryside, without a struggle, as he put it, land privatization was called the reform for the countryside. IZET SHEHU Lushnjë branch of the DP

On 17.8.1991, a meeting with the people of this area was held in the square in front of Koplik secondary school, attended by the chairman of the DP, Mr. Sali Berisha, and his deputy, Tomor Dosti, as well as Arben Lika. After the branch chairman’s greetings, Dr. Sali Berisha took the floor. He analyzed the situation we are in and emphasized as an issue of the day the struggle against anti-Albanian forces, the State Security, crypto-communists, and ultranationalists. He clearly condemned the anti-Albanian policy of the Serbs and the critical situation in which our Albanians in Kosovo have found themselves. A long discussion in the form of questions and answers followed on the problems troubling the residents of the area, especially those relating to the implementation of the land law and the provision of bread and other food to the people, etc. Also on 17.8.1991, at 18:30, a meeting was held in the «Migjeni» theater hall in Shkodër, attended by Mr. Sali Berisha, Arben Imami, Pjetër Arbnori, Armen Irami, Tomor Dosti, and M. Uruci. Mr. Sali Berisha expressed his gratitude for the fraternal welcome they had given him. He spoke about the Shkodër reservoir and the situation that ...

we have made mistakes, we will come here to Shkodër, the city of democracy, and you can judge us. The DP and its elected representatives will never send messages to Shkodër through another network. The meeting reviewed the DP’s historic achievements.

- INTERVIEW WITH THE CHAIRMAN OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE TIRANA DISTRICT PEOPLE’S COUNCIL, MR. TOMOR MALASI. - Question: Mr. Tomor, you have been in the position of chairman of the Executive Committee of the Tirana District People’s Council for only a short time. Nevertheless, it is well known that hundreds of people come here every day to resolve some of their most vital problems. What have you observed from your meetings with them, and what is the state of the capital you are now managing? Answer: In general, we, the leaders of the Executive Committee, took up these duties fully aware of the great difficulties we would face, but also with confidence and hope that, through a joint effort, we would succeed in carrying out the tasks set by the Government for stabilizing the country. The leaders are in immediate contact with the broad masses of the people, who, hopeful about these changes, seek the swiftest possible resolution of the major hardships that have beset them, particularly problems of housing and employment, etc. We want to make these contacts widespread and, regardless of the practical possibilities, understand the situation as a whole and identify ways to resolve these problems. In the nearly one month I have served as chairman, I may have met about 800 people, the great majority of whom complain about the lack of housing, without overlooking their need for employment. These problems and difficulties have accumulated over the years, and it is clear that we cannot resolve them in a short time, given the grave economic situation, reflected in the many shortages in every area of life, including the areas I mentioned above. In particular, housing construction is progressing at a very slow pace; in some places, to be frank, it has stopped altogether because of a lack of materials. We have mentioned before that housing requests now number 25,000 families, of whom almost 10,000 are in urgent need. Many others, transferred as far back as 1986, still have not been housed. In recent days, there has been a mass influx of former internees and former prisoners of conscience, who have the right to be housed and employed in the city of Tirana. At present, despite our great efforts, we are unable to respond to this grave situation. Those people have also been added to the 5,000 unemployed in the city of Tirana, and, given that we have inherited this severe crisis, it would be shameful to send them away with nothing but our consideration and respect. Question: You said that the most difficult situation is in housing and employment. Are there opportunities to ease these disparities, or is there a risk they will deepen further? Answer: There is no doubt that we lack neither the will nor the energy to work seriously to improve the situation. Naturally, partial solutions stem from the ways of resolving the situation across the whole country. The Government for Stabilizing the Country is fully committed to the country’s economy. Concrete steps are being taken: the privatization of agriculture, followed by the privatization of the entire economy, marks steps toward a market economy. This economic reform, which has surpassed the objectives set by the government, is hopeful and promising. Economic stabilization, which will be achieved by securing the raw materials and supplies needed to set industry and all other branches of the economy in motion, would mark an important step toward improving the situation. Attracting foreign capital would be another important step. The agreement reached in recent days with the Italian government is proof of these developments. Question: What measures do you think should be taken now and in the future to stabilize the situation? Answer: First and foremost, our efforts focus on putting the housing situation in order. The recent changes in neighborhood people’s councils give us new opportunities to study the actual housing situation more thoroughly, with an accurate picture of it. We have planned to act as follows: First, in every neighborhood, the people’s councils will be tasked with identifying dwellings that are unoccupied, those that have been transferred to other uses, and others left by people who have gone abroad, etc., with the aim of (Continued on page 5)

increasingly visible distinction within Albania

Photographs accompanying the interview “A ray of hope for Tirana too.”

The times we are going through are among the most difficult, but also among the most decisive for Albania and the Albanians. Faced with the need to accelerate the establishment of genuine democracy in Albania, the PD, PR and PSD consider it essential to further coordinate their political actions. They appeal to the Albanian people, their members and supporters, our diaspora wherever it may be, and democratic forces around the world to support these joint political actions, as a fundamental condition for preventing the return of dictatorship in Albania and for rapid national progress. Regardless of the achievements so far of the democratic revolution in Albania, the PD, PR and PSD, convinced that avoiding chaos and helping to establish the fullest possible stability are urgent tasks, consider it necessary to undertake concrete joint political measures: 1. We demand the dissolution of the State Security, which is responsible for monstrous acts against the Albanian people and nation during the Enverist dictatorship. It is responsible for the strategy of violence and terror it employed during the period of pluralism, which cost the Albanian people dozens of lives and left hundreds wounded, bringing the country several times to the brink of civil war. It is responsible for the chaos and crime currently prevailing, for the burning and destruction of schools and bakeries, and for the looting of humanitarian aid. Those responsible at every level and the organizers of these exoduses must be held accountable. 2. The media—RTV, ATSH, and local radio stations and newspapers—continue to function as instruments of monism, censoring free democratic thought. We therefore demand that the media be reformed in accordance with the new pluralist structure of Albanian society. To this end: - The relevant parliamentary bodies should intervene to replace the directors of Radio and Television and the heads of editorial departments. They should be replaced by people who have the consensus of the parties in the governing coalition. The parliamentary information committee should establish an interparty council to monitor RTV. - All party press outlets should be placed on an equal footing in material and technical terms. In line with the new circumstances, the district executive committees should appoint the editorial boards of local newspapers and place them under their authority. 3. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is not responding to the radical changes that have taken place in Albania and is becoming a serious obstacle to establishing new relations between our country and other countries. The same people who served the policy of self-isolation, division of our diaspora, severing its ties in Athens, and isolating Albania from the advanced democratic countries continue to occupy positions in the Ministry’s administration and its network of embassies. 4. In support of social justice and the will of the people, we demand that the bloc party officials who have abused their positions and robbed the people be brought to trial as soon as possible. 5. All emblems and symbols of communist rule must be removed. 6. Amnesty must be granted to all those convicted for their political beliefs during the Stalinist-Enverist regime. They must receive full political, economic, and social rehabilitation. Genuine conditions for national reconciliation must be created on the basis of international human-rights documents. 7. Aware of the spiritual, economic, and political damage caused by the rule of the harsh Enverist dictatorship, we appeal to our people to rise above their misfortunes, as the only path to the democratic rebirth of the nation. All democratic forces and forces responsible for maintaining order must do everything possible to prevent crime and preserve public peace. Civilian disarmament is also essential. All these measures will help build confidence, maintain public peace, create conditions for economic recovery, and ensure the stability of the country. DEMOCRATIC PARTY REPUBLICAN PARTY SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY [The source ends with a repeated fragment: “crime and preserving public peace.”] has cost the Albanian people ten victims, hundreds wounded, and brought the country to the brink of civil war several times. He is responsible for the chaos and criminality that currently exist, for the looting of humanitarian aid. We are convinced that the organizers of the exoduses are certain State Security structures that have remained tools of the red leadership. Therefore, we demand justi- either side or the other. The leaders and promoters of the deepening of these relations should should be institutionalized. Whether we want to accept it or not, the lack of communication in relations between Albania and Kosovo The division of the Albanians was not merely a geopolitical division, particularly after the last war and the period since; there was an attempt to make it a historical division. To speak openly, interest in creating this division came not only from Yugoslavia but also from Albania—or, to be precise, from the regime in power. Even now, although a new situation has been created, relations or, at the very least, keeping them as limi-