The witness to the fascist coup in the Soviet Union, Gorbachev’s resignation as General Secretary of the Party, and the de facto dissolution of the CPSU were welcomed with joy by all people who love freedom and democracy. For three days, the world felt the shudder of war, dictatorship and violence. In the streets of Tirana and elsewhere, communists who had been fossilized and in hiding until yesterday began to stir. Portraits of Enver Hoxha were hurriedly distributed. The first meetings of the cells in the political centers of the blocs were held after a long time. The people of the bloc began telephoning one another. Criminals from the Sigurimi began updating the lists of Democrats who were to be eliminated. But the celebration did not last long. The people in Moscow, Petrograd and elsewhere, standing up to the tanks with their bare chests, showed that they were determined never to let the era of coups, fascism and communism return—an era of hunger for hundreds of millions and of excessive luxury for the people of the bloc. In our Albania, where democracy is struggling to take root, events in the Soviet Union have prompted us to draw many lessons. Above all, they urge us to go on the offensive to uproot the hated monist system. They urge us to reflect on the fact that things cannot continue this way. We cannot move forward with a mediocre parliament dominated by Enverists. It is true that among them are honest deputies and genuine intellectuals. But the truth is that when it comes to voting, one rarely sees anyone break away from the uniformity of the slogans for or against. Then what value does intellectualism have? We cannot move forward with a Communist president carrying a burden of accusations on his shoulders. We cannot move forward with law-enforcement forces which, although they received the status and everything they asked for, remain passive in the face of the actions of anarchists and Sigurimi agents who want to revive illusions of the days of Enverian dictatorship. We cannot move forward with a deeply entrenched monist government, with the same people, the same ones rushing to seize the keys to business and finance. Enraged by the Soviet putschists’ witness, the punists and their loudspeaker, “Zëri i Popullit,” together with its branches, have enlisted the zealous Hamdi Jupe, Musa Ulqini, Thoma Gëllçi, Frok Çupi, Luan Rama and the “observer” for unrestrained attacks against Democratic leaders. The mercenary work of the pen goes so far as to use street language and even call Democrats donkeys. Is all this within the bounds of ethics?... Filled with punists, they smashed all those hopes of restoring the black Enverian order. Events in the Soviet Union call on all the forces of our people to roll up their sleeves and work to rebuild and prosper the country, and at the same time to uproot the communist order. This requires mass action by democratic means. The delays in bringing the people of the bloc before a court cannot be tolerated. The deliberate postponement of the opening of the University and higher-education institutions must not be allowed. We must not let the punist game keep the student youth away from the main cities—the youth who did so much to bring pluralism and democracy to Albania and who, until now, have received so little. Let us open Parliament and begin debating and adopting laws on pensions, social assistance, the full moral, political and economic rehabilitation of prisoners of conscience, and so on. Let us insist that Radio and Television and their managers serve the nation. Let us insist on dismantling the State Security service and purging the diplomatic service, infiltrated down to its very cells by the Sigurimi. Let us insist that the government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a whole, the Ministry of the Economy, etc., seriously work to open up jobs abroad, even seasonal ones, under proper contracts. Let us remove communism from the scene once and for all. Let our people too enjoy democracy, and prosperity as well. Let us close ranks within the democratic opposition.

— NEXHMIJE HOXHA UNDER INVESTIGATION — At last we received the long-awaited news: on the morning of 26 August 1991, the widow of our dear Enver Hoxha, Mrs. Nexhmije, was summoned to the General Investigation Office of the Republic of Albania. As is known, in Mr. Genc Ruli’s report, the once all-powerful Hoxha family ranks first in the marathon of former communist-bloc leaders accused of abuses. The honor and responsibility for this act fell to the relatively young investigator, Beqir Kokoshi. We understand that he is a model in a delicate position. Faced with evidence involving staggering sums in the millions and the suffering of ordinary people, Mrs. Nexhmije remained as cold as the marble of her husband’s busts. According to her, neither she nor the children abused the people’s lek or foreign currency; all the expenses were incurred for the two villas they had. But now the villas belong to the state, and therefore to the people. They did not ask for a second villa, or additions and alterations, or greenhouses, or a swimming pool, or dozens of televisions, refrigerators and telephones; nor did they give up the comforts of their home to be tortured in luxury hotels in Paris, Rome, Milan, Geneva and California. All these luxuries were brought into their home while they were on holiday in Vlorë, Podgradc or Paris, by Sulo and the people from the reception directorate. To send them abroad too, he and the doctors made arrangements, getting visas, tickets and... foreign currency..., naturally for themselves as well... She saw and understood everything; she harshly criticized everyone, except Enver, who insisted on and drove her to work to enrich and renew the depleted or impoverished treasury of Marxism-Leninism. But you are mistaken, Mrs. Nexhmije. We do not accuse you only over the millions stolen by the two villas, but also over our treasury, once the richest in the Balkans, which you, as a clan, made disappear; and over the hell you created not only in the prisons and internment camps, but throughout the country... Ah, we do not know what to accuse you of first. What to demand an accounting for first. In any case, we accuse you of the billions that made your family one of the richest merchant families in the world—a fortune you did not inherit, but built with the blood and sweat of the people. Naturally, you laid all the blame on the dead Enver because you know very well that he feels nothing, does not get angry and cannot be held to account. But you are wrong again. We know very well that Enver did nothing without you, that you, especially during the last decade of the life of the Party of Labour and our state, were the ones running them along with Ramiz Alia, because Enver was only a prisoner of illness, confined to his study or walking while sick. You will try to make the dead Enver responsible for everything so that you can save your two sons, Ilir and Sokoli, and your son-in-law, Klemi, who for some time have established real mafia-like business ties with foreigners. They have even pocketed thousands of dollars through telephone-business deals with their partners around the world. We know something else too: all the political and financial operations of your family, worthy of the Mafia, were organized and directed by your family’s own shepherd, Sulo Gradeci. He is a master hunter of the history of your dynasty. But, strangely, not because of his abilities as a specialist in the hunt? Since your family has many people, also protected by you and other circles, why does he continue to walk freely and live peacefully in the palace that people in the neighborhood call “Sulo’s palace,” with occasional efforts to do the impossible and exonerate the treasury enriched by Enver, in which he naturally has the largest share? But will Sulo Gradeci and his comrades’ calculations work out? Since they have the President at the top of the pyramid, the government’s chief prosecutor, 70 percent of the deputies and an overt and covert army in all the other links, they have reason to be optimistic and not surrender their weapons. Nevertheless, they resemble Don Quixotes and Sancho Panzas. Time will throw them into the dustbin. They may delay the train of democracy, but they cannot overturn it with their rotten tricks placed under its wheels. In any case, by what they have done, they add to the mountain of crimes for which the people expect them all to be placed in the dock.

— INTERVIEW WITH THE MINISTER OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES, MR. YLLI CABIRI — RD. The press has commented several times on the phantom company “Iliria Holding.” Controversies have even arisen, with some criticizing it and others defending it. Perhaps readers would be more interested in knowing the government’s official position on the matter. So, what kind of company is this, and what is your view of its establishment? What has it done in Albania so far? Y. Çabiri. “Iliria Holding” is a private company. center of Tirana. bank’s activity was also completed within the promised time, but the plan for the hotel... [The text continues beyond the edge of the image] ...I called the president of this company to discuss his obligations and ours under the three agreements that have been made. Under the agreements, he rented several shops, a premises for opening a bank and a plot of land for building a “Sheraton”-type hotel, but by the day we met, activity had not begun. I undertook to have him promptly fulfil the obligations he had assumed. the hotel project... [The visible text continues, interrupted] ...must be reconsidered. The other enterprises connected with the “Iliria Holding” companies are now responsible for their obligations. I am referring also to the General Directorate of Tourism and the other partners. By to submit what

Yesterday morning, at the headquarters of the Democratic Party, Dr. Prof. Sali Berisha received the respected professor from Kosovo, Anton Çeta. Eduard Selami, Aleksandër Meksi, Arben Imami, Ali Spahia and Pjetër Arbnori were also present at the reception. Sali Berisha: We are very glad to have you here among us today. You and your work, through the campaign and movement for blood-feud reconciliation, have played a very important role in the peaceful process of democracy in Albania. Thus, although you were not allowed to participate and be physically present in your humanitarian work, you have always been present in the democratic movement in Albania. Anton Çeta: Thank you very much for the fraternal welcome you have given me. We began the campaign and the work of reconciliation of blood feuds as an effort to combat a great Albanian wound, but it then took the form of a movement throughout Kosovo and the Albanian Diaspora. Through this campaign we truly saved hundreds of lives, but I can say that the credit for ... is shared by many ... From this campaign we moved on to other forms of fraternal solidarity, such as ... and ... the organization of ... ... when, in Prishtina, all the Albanian doctors were removed from the gynecological hospital. The national reconciliation campaign or movement also contributed greatly to the internationalization of Kosovo’s problems. Sali Berisha: Professor, through this act you showed Albanians and the whole world the dimensions of the truly Albanian spirit. You clearly proved that humanism and love of humanity are boundless dimensions of this spirit. From its founding, the DP came forward with the motto “opposition for our brothers.” It fought and strove for democratic processes in Albania to develop without bloodshed. Nevertheless, crypto-communist and criminal elements bloodied democracy in Albania. To date, from December until now, they have killed 25 innocent Albanians and have arrested, wounded and imprisoned hundreds of others. It is precisely these elements who organize the squads and groups, while immoral intellectuals cover up their dark deeds with various writings in the information media, in newspapers and on Albanian Television. We regard communism as a true occupation of Albania and the Albanian spirit. In fighting communism, we are not fighting people, but defending...

After the meeting and the signing of the agreement with our Minister of Public Order, and meetings with the Prime Minister and the President, on the evening of 24. 8. ’91, the Italian Minister of the Interior, Mr. Vincenzo Scotti, before leaving Albania, took part in a press conference at the Palace of Congresses with Albanian journalists from various press and information organizations. There, Mr. Scotti declared that everything signed in the agreement was part of the aid to Albania. The 40 million lire for the Albanian police are aid, not a loan. In response to journalists’ questions, he spoke about the resettlement of the 21,000 Albanian refugees currently in Italy and the return of those who are not complying with the law. The agreement includes vehicles and equipment for information and communications, transport and other special equipment, the exchange and cooperation of information, experience and personnel, etc. In this context, the Albanian Police will soon be included in INTERPOL.

After much debate, the privatization law, so eagerly awaited by everyone, was passed. This law makes it possible to demonstrate one’s abilities by taking risks, or to create conditions for quick and secure enrichment. Nevertheless, the issue of developing private activity raises several concerns. a) Will the buying and selling of goods be conducted in lek or in foreign currency? b) How will the land to be made available (a riverbed for aggregates, a mountain for marble or stone production) be valued? c) Which people will take part in the auction? d) Will the social assistance law cover a family’s necessary expenses? e) When will measures be taken, and who will ... ... the stock exchange of values. f) Will the real estate unjustly confiscated by the monist state from its lawful former owners now be sold at auction or through shares? Article 17 of the law stipulates that domestic or foreign private entities have the right to self-finance in lek or in foreign currency. From the debates held in parliament on this issue, it was concluded that self-financing in lek and foreign currency means that a domestic private entity has the right to sell in foreign currency within the country; in other words, foreign-currency expenses must be covered by foreign-currency income so that it does not leave the country. Specifically, a domestic private entity obtains a foreign-currency loan from foreign private companies, uses it to buy industrial and food products, and through them (fi...) ... (a provision for industrial goods) sells them for foreign currency in order to repay part of the loan granted in foreign currency by the foreign creditor. In practice, this article is not implemented because it is unclear; therefore, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Economy, or the Council of Ministers, should clarify it through specific instructions on how to proceed. Many foreign companies want to conduct economic activity using their own capital or through joint ventures, in order to exploit stone, lignite and marble quarries, and river deposits of aggregates, but there is no price for these resources. So how should this be handled? Could it be that private entities, whether domestic or foreign, will exploit our natural resources without paying? I believe the Government should issue instructions on these matters, extending them also to the protection of the ecological and aesthetic value of these environments. There is strong public opposition to the fairest form of auction. People are concerned that commercial, craft and industrial premises, etc., will be bought by people from the former red caste, who became unjustly wealthy with money they obtained dishonestly through the very nature of their work, as well as by foreigners who appear at auctions with considerable sums that working people and civil servants, who can barely wait for payday, cannot match. What should be done so that privatization can also be carried out...

By Order No. 2, dated 15.8.1991, the Minister of Justice, Mr. Shefqet Muçi, approved the establishment of the Humanitarian Political-Social Association of Former Prisoners, Internees, Deportees and Political Persecutees of Albania. The editorial staff of our newspaper warmly welcomes the approval of this much-welcomed and popular association in our country, because its members have placed their lives, dreams and noble patriotic aspirations at the foundation of freedom and democracy. We wish this new, genuinely democratic opposition force success in fulfilling its lofty mission and its profoundly humane, political and social objectives.

On 25.8.1991, Region No. 4 of the Tirana Police stopped in Vorë, late at night, the driver of the Shkodër DP, Kujtim Asllani, in a vehicle of the “Arto” type, license plate 23-05 SHK, together with three couriers who are not personnel of this branch. All four people stated that they were going to the border. They were found carrying a German rifle, a pistol, ammunition and four double-edged knives. “Argo” in Albania now? Y. Çabiri. The “Iliria Holding” company is private. I can say that it is an ordinary company like many others. So far it has made an agreement with the Committee for Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries which, from a legal point of view, has some shortcomings, but they can be corrected. Under the law, the state does not make agreements with private parties. Specifically, this company’s activity in Albania has been limited to a retail outlet in the center of Tirana. RD. In several television interviews, representatives of this company have claimed that their activity is quite extensive. What is the truth? Y. Çabiri. In July of this year, the representatives of this company stated that they had taken part in a press conference with Albanian journalists from various press and information outlets. RD. Did they carry those plans out? Y. Çabiri. Not all of them. The retail outlet began operating, and the bank agency was also completed within the promised time, but they did not deliver the plan for the “Sheraton”-type hotel. So we were obliged to hold another meeting on 15 August. We discussed the hotel and the bank again and set 5 September as the final deadline. RD. And if they are still not ready, will you extend the deadline again? Y. Çabiri. No, there is no point. We are determined, in such cases, to withdraw, even to the point of terminating the contracts. But there must be... September. to the point of terminating the contracts. But their partners must also... Up to 24 August, both Mr. Hajdini and his partners were supposed to submit the obligations they owed one another, but they did not. We will take a firm position on these matters. We have now set deadlines and will soon speak specifically about who is at fault. RD. Is there anything else you can add about these issues? Y. Çabiri. It cannot be denied that such delays are seriously impeding other foreign investors who have the ability to build in Albania. It would be better for companies such as “Iliria Holding” and others to concentrate on activities they can carry out and complete, instead of aiming to enter other activities as intermediaries, when we can establish direct connections.