— It is decided that a referendum be held in Kosovo from 26 to 30 September. PRISHTINA, 23 September. — As we are informed from Prishtina, yesterday a meeting of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo was held, where the long-awaited Resolution was unanimously supported, declaring the Republic of Kosovo a sovereign and independent Republic-State with the right to constituent participation in the union of sovereign republic-states in Yugoslavia, on the basis of freedom and full equality. Through this resolution, the republics of Yugoslavia, the parliaments and governments of European states, the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and domestic and international public opinion are informed. The Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, on the basis of its constitutional powers, decided that a general referendum be held throughout the territory of Kosovo, in which, through the free and direct expression of the citizens, the people of Kosovo will declare themselves a sovereign and independent state sovereign republic-states in Yugoslavia, by means of a positive or negative answer to the relevant resolution of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo. The referendum will be held from 26 to 30 September of this year. In connection with this, a de- (Continued on page 2)

On Friday, 27 September, the first Congress of the Democratic Party begins its work in Tirana. It is undoubtedly the greatest event in its life, an event that will remain in history, but will also serve as a new, more powerful start toward new victories. Through the in-depth analyses it will carry out, the decisions it will make and the tasks it will set, and the new leadership team it will elect, it will surely make our party stronger, more mature and more capable of fulfilling the mission to which it is committed: eradicating communism and establishing true and complete democracy. Nine months is a very short period of time, but they have been packed with battles and successes on every front. The DP will enter history as the first flower of the era of pluralism, as the first opposition party to bring Enver Hoxha down from the heavens and the pedestals, remove his divine veil and clothe him in the garb of a dictator; to tear off the PP’s mask and expose it in all its nakedness before the eyes of the people and the world. With an unwavering determination to bring it down to its foundations, the DP rapidly grew its ranks and won the support of the popular masses, especially in the largest cities, of international democratic opinion, and of many governments and prominent figures around the world. Clear and powerful proof of the respect it enjoys among the people was the 40 percent of votes cast for it in the 31 March elections—a brilliant result, considering that it was only three months old, facing the 50-year-old PP, armed with power and steeped in hypocrisy, demagoguery, manipulation and slander. Its 75 members of parliament awoke the People’s Assembly from its 45-year lethargic slumber, transforming it from a platform for false unity with the PP, empty promises and dogmatic fairy tales into a great arena of political debate, where for the first time the people saw and heard MPs who had the courage to tell anyone the bitter truths to their face, even the President and the Prime Minister, and other powerful figures. They showed the people that the era of puppet MPs and robots, who knew only to raise their hands whenever asked and repeat like parrots the slogans they had been taught, had passed forever. Through the DP’s MPs, the people also saw, as in a mirror, the vast difference—like night and day—between it and the PP. Democratic MPs deserved credit for discrediting the anti-democratic Enverist constitution; in its place, a package of provisions was drafted whose effects we are now feeling and enjoying, and which is bearing fruit. In just six highly active months of existence, the DP forced the PP to change its name in vain and to admit its inability to retain power alone. For the sake of stabilizing the country, to avert a civil war so ardently desired by old and new crypto-communists, and to save the people from the torments of hunger, the DP made a sacrifice by agreeing to participate in the Government of Stability with seven ministers. It… (Continued on page 2)

On Saturday, at the invitation of the Democratic Party, several officers of the English mission to Albania during the Second World War arrived for a friendly visit to our country. At Rinas Airport, the English gentlemen were welcomed by Mr. Sali Berisha, Tritan Shehu, Afrim Karagozi, the representative of the Ministry of Defence Apostol Simo, and the veteran Masar Shehu. At around 7 p.m., a reception was held at the DP headquarters, attended by Messrs. Berisha, Ceka, Hajdari, Selami, Imami, Karagozi and Shehu. Also on Saturday, the Chairman of the DP Steering Commission, Mr. Berisha, hosted a dinner for the guests at Hotel Dajti, attended by Minister of Defence Perikli Teta and the DP group. On Sunday, the group of guests, consisting of Messrs. Amery Julian (former Minister of the Army and Commander-in-Chief of the RAF), Alan Harre (editor-in-chief and economist), Davide Smile (Commander of the Royal Guard), Eric (Continued on page 5)

Albania and the Albanians lived for 45 years under a brutal communist dictatorship without equal in Europe or the world. During this regime, the figure of the merciless communist dictator-ruler was created, with more unlimited power than absolute rulers. This was the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PPSH. This was Enver Hoxha until 1985 and Ramiz Alia from 1985 to 1991. In April of this year, the First Secretary of the PPSH Central Committee, to advance his career in the country, became President, with the votes of the communist deputies whom he had carefully selected when he put them forward as candidates. Thus, the formula “the king is dead, long live the king” became in Albania “First Secretary Ramiz is finished, long live President Ramiz.” The time when Albania could be ruled under the title of First Secretary of the PPSH Central Committee had passed. Mr. Alia’s presence in the post of head of state prolongs the agony of communist dictatorial rule. Mr. Ramiz Alia took Enver Hoxha’s place at the head of the PPSH and the state as the dictator’s most obedient and loyal pupil, the most worthy continuer of his thinking and practices. He swore, to convince Albania and the world that Enver Hoxha’s spirit remained in his own soul and that Enver Hoxha’s thoughts seethed in his mind. He went so far as to insult and humiliate national history in order to raise his idol in the West, proclaiming him the greatest man our nation had ever produced. In short, Mr. Alia earned the right to lead this country in the name of his ties to Enver Hoxha, not through his merits or contribution to the affairs of the nation and state. And he expressed this in his efforts to fill Albania’s museums, palaces, squares and streets with Envers made of bronze and plaster, by attaching names and slogans, designating an Enver day and week, and waging war on and trampling the Albanian people in his name. Mr. Ramiz Alia chose the people so cruelly and so extensively at precisely the moment when they were waiting more than ever for the dawn and the rays of democracy’s light. R. Alia lost opportunities to change the situation in Albania sooner, solely to make way for the continued power of a privileged caste from the dictatorship era. Mr. Alia has tried, and is still trying, to present himself as an initiator of democracy, as Albania’s Gorbachev, as a man who, with great difficulty, kept his hand on the helm of the Albanian ship as it sailed a stormy sea stirred up by conservatives of the former regime and the “anarchists” produced by democracy. There is nothing genuine in these demagogic manoeuvres. Mr. Alia is the antithesis of what Gorbachev claims to be in Russia: Gorbachev used the post of First Secretary and his power to undermine the foundations of the communist dictatorship system, whereas Mr. Alia used them to consolidate those foundations in keeping with the new times. Mr. Alia complained about the conservatives not in order to attack them, but to protect and excuse them—and himself—in the eyes of the people. Mr. Alia spoke about democracy not because he wanted to advance it for the people. (Continued on page 5) heavens and the pedestals, strip away a dictator, its nakedness before the eyes of the people of the world, indicting it with countless facts as the author and director of our all-encompassing ruin, of the most savage dictatorship, the most monstrous tyranny [?] against our national interests. The leaders of the Democratic Party and all its fighters, despite being under the surveillance of the fiercest dictatorship and its mafia-like Sigurimi, with their courage in confronting Ramiz Alia’s Zeus and the other gods of his court, both within the walls of the Blloku and beyond, once and for all killed the fear in the hearts of the masses, freed them from the tentacles of the octopuses thriving in the pools of the Blloku, and made them understand that the only alternative for bringing the country back into the family of Europe, restoring and enriching it, was full support for, and unequivocal implementation of, the Democratic Party’s program. With courage, patriotism, openness in word and deed, and uncompromising opposition to the communist dictatorship and its establis- the title of First Secretary of the PPSH. His role in the affairs of the nation and the state. And he expressed this through with Envers made of bronze and plaster, by putting up names and slogans, designating Enver Day and Enver Week, and holding ideological prayers and memorial services for the deceased. Ramiz put Enver where he never deserved to be, so that in his name he could oppress the people just as he had done while alive. None of this happened by chance. As soon as he took the place of the country’s number-one leader, gathering even more party and state offices into his hands than Enver had held while alive, Mr. Alia understood—and even acknowledged at the first meetings of the CC plenums after the dictator’s death—that Albania was in a difficult situation and could head toward catastrophe. But he did nothing to prevent the danger. On the contrary, he raised the slogan of continuity and insisted that there would be no turning back. The Albanian people, drowning and clutching at every straw— of the party and reign under the title of First Secretary of the CC nation and the state. And he expressed this through every straw—

NOTES FROM THE HUNGER STRIKE Lately, we have felt an ever-greater pain for the prisoners of conscience. We have felt it because coming out of that accursed hellhole and returning to our everyday lives brought among us fragments of suffering, fragments of superhuman sacrifice, fragments of torture and tragic deaths that together make up an entire life of hardship—so much so that often, as we listen to them, they seem unbelievable. And this pain multiplies a hundredfold when you see them lying there in the hall of the “Tirana” sports club gymnasium, encouraging one another on this day of a death-strike. — But what drove these people, who killed no one, stole nothing and committed no crime or other wrongdoing, to decide on self-immolation, other than that they thought—and either voiced those thoughts aloud themselves, or others stole them and then confronted them: “There, that’s what we said! You are against us, against the line, against the leadership, against...?!” Talking with them is deeply disturbing: — Viktor Martini: I am chairman of the Association of the Politically Persecuted of Shkodër and a member of the strike committee. Despite the great suffering in the dark cells of the prisons, where the crime of dictatorship fell brutally upon our innocence, we cast aside the weapons of revenge, leaving the matter to the law and the rule-of-law state. But we watch in silence as efforts continue every day to dismiss our just demands as unjustified. We are tolerant and understand the difficulties the country is going through, but we are without work, without shelter, without the minimum conditions for living. We have suffered enough! — Gjergj Çamuku: You can see the leg (and, besides the legs and trousers pulled up above the knee, revealing a thin, emaciated body); it is paralyzed. (Continued on page 2)

FIER On September 16–17, the first conference of the Democratic Party branch for this district held its proceedings in the «Bylis» theater hall in the city. Representatives of the «Kosova» and «Çamëria» associations, the Independent Trade Unions, political prisoners, opposition political parties, etc., were also invited. The conference was opened by the branch secretary, Mr. Xhelal Tahiri. In the lengthy report delivered by Mr. Viktor Margjillaj, a detailed analysis was made, in a critical and authoritative spirit, of the branch’s activities during this period, through to 6.1.1991. The many speakers assessed the achievements and criticized the shortcomings. The need to establish new sections and increase the number of initiatives was considered essential, especially in the city among those joining the Democratic Party, while in the villages it was requested that new sections also be established where none had yet been set up. In keeping with the psychology of the population in different geographical areas, specific forms of work were also determined. The conference was greeted by representatives of the parties and associations. On behalf of the Democratic Party Steering Committee, its secretary, Mr. Eduard Selami, delivered greetings. Among other things, he noted that the Democratic Party had truth on its side and should make use of this in its uncompromising struggle against communism and its final eradication. At the end, the Conference elected the chair, the members of the Steering Committee, and the representatives to the first Congress of the Democratic Party. Mr. Viktor Margjillaj was elected branch chair. BALLSH On September 12, the first conference of the Mallakastër sub-branch was held. The conference reviewed the work carried out so far and set out tasks for the future. At the end, the conference elected the sub-branch chair and Steering Committee. Mr. Maksim Begaj was elected chair. PATOS: On 20.9.1991, the first conference of the Democratic Party branch for the Patos region was held. The report delivered on behalf of the branch by its chair assessed the achievements and criticized the shortcomings. The speakers highlighted the urgent need for a fundamental improvement in the work of the Democratic Party in this region, to increase membership and ensure that the public was informed about the Democratic Party’s political line and economic program. The conference elected the chair and Steering Committee. Mr. Iljaz Vrioni was elected chair. At the end, representatives to the first Congress of the Democratic Party were also elected. GJIROKASTËR On 18.9.1991, Gjirokastër district held its proceedings in the «Zihni Sako» cinema-theater hall in the city of Gjirokastër. The opening address was delivered by the Democratic Party branch secretary, Dr. Robert Asqeri. The report, «On the activities of the Democratic Party branch in Gjirokastër district», was delivered by Mr. Sotir Hroni, chair of the branch Steering Committee. The report assessed the work of the Gjirokastër district branch and all Democratic Party members and supporters, from the beginning of its activities up to the first Conference. In addition to the good work, the report also identified shortcomings in the branch’s activities, such as its inadequate reach in the villages, poor work with intellectuals, weak efforts to build up membership, etc., which led to the loss of the March 31 elections. Following the report, those present asked questions and took part in discussions. (Continued on page 5)

The Democratic Party declares that prisoners of conscience are the group most martyred by the communist dictatorship. They were indeed released from prisons and internment camps and are part of the people’s democratic struggle, but their rights and freedoms remain theoretical so long as they have not been declared innocent of crimes they did not commit, have no roof over their heads, no work to earn their bread, and no pension to secure their old age. The monist President, the communist Prime Minister, and the parliament with its communist majority have neglected prisoners of conscience and left them to their fate. They have submitted an unacceptable draft law to grant amnesty for crimes they themselves committed. After enduring forbearance without limit, the political prisoners and internees began a hunger strike to protest against this pardon. They demand that parliament declare them innocent and even apologize for the suffering the communist state inflicted on these martyrs of conscience. They demand the adoption of a law compensating these people for their years of suffering; they demand work, housing, and priority access to education. The Democratic Party supports the demands of the hunger strike by prisoners of conscience and declares that it will fight to the end and without compromise for the adoption of a law declaring the political victims of communism innocent and demanding compensation for them. The Democratic Party fully supports the hunger strike in Tirana, Shkodër, Korçë, and other districts, and calls on all other democratic forces to stand with these victims of the dictatorship. FROM THE TIRANA DEMOCRATIC PARTY ACTIVISTS’ GROUP TIRANA, 24.09.1991