With the report delivered by Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha on behalf of the DP Steering Committee, and with the discussions, analyses, resolutions, basic guidelines, objectives and tasks set out by the First DP Assembly, we were given a rich and scientific programme of work and struggle for the present and the future. It is important, and a fundamental duty for every delegate, branch, section, member and supporter of the DP, that it not remain on paper, but be brought to life in depth and breadth, elaborated, planned and translated into varied, intensive and effective activities. Successfully achieving the objectives set by our First Assembly requires the complete structuring of the DP and continuous improvement of its composition; it requires transforming the branches and sections, as in their early days, into command centres where, in devotion and a spirit of sacrifice, leaders are indistinguishable from members or ordinary supporters; where activists do not always wait for directives and instructions from above, but, through initiative and action, participation and transparency, explain and disseminate among the people with whom they live and work the ideas and tasks of the DP programme, as deepened and enriched by the First Assembly. It is beyond doubt that the outcome of the second electoral contest will also be decided in the countryside. There, we must compete with the Socialist Party to convince the villagers of the advantages of our programme and dispel the fog that the SP, through its unbridled, demagogic propaganda, has cast over the DP and democracy in general. This is first and foremost the task of party members who live and work in the countryside. By nature, our villagers are indifferent and distrustful toward new phenomena; they accept them with difficulty and slowly. The extent to which they are convinced depends on the people who present or promote them. A villager cannot, and does not wish to, trust and be persuaded by just anyone who preaches morality or politics. He trusts and is persuaded only by someone he knows well, respects for their ability and honesty, and who enjoys the respect of the community. Thus, dialogue with villagers calls for maturity and culture. The SP is holding firmly onto the countryside, using the economic crisis and lack of stability. It says it supports the country’s recovery, national reconciliation and a normal life, but it is leaving no means unused and no stone unturned to torment the villagers as long as possible with the fever of this chaotic period, making democracy seem terrifying enough for them to think and say: “We were better off in Enver’s time.” A delegate from Martanesh told me that in some villages of Martanesh a kilogram of salt is being sold at a very high price. It is true that people’s anti-communism has not wavered, but, on the other hand, clouds of a crisis of confidence have meant that many people no longer see the DP and democracy in general as they did before 31 March. Our party’s civic political action, undertaken in cooperation with the Republican Party and the Social Democratic Party, is playing a major role in dispersing these clouds. Their activities and tasks quickly bore fruit, immediately drawing people back—as in the past—to rally squares and other demonstrations, and frightening the coalition of crypto-communism and other forces of darkness. Cultural, artistic and sporting activities at national or European level are also valuable, as are meetings with the most prominent intellectuals, the principal leaders of the DP, our members of parliament and our ministers. Participation in the Government and in pluralist committees has both advantages and disadvantages. It is an advantage because it gives us the opportunity to demonstrate in practice, in real life, the strength of our party and its programme. But it also has a disadvantage: it puts us to the test before people’s eyes, minds and hearts. The mistaken, subjective actions of our state officials, their return to the old ways of monism, cliques, and unhealthy associations and friendships, have done us considerable harm. They can quickly undo what we have painstakingly built over weeks and months at rallies, meetings and more intimate gatherings with the people. They may indeed have become detached from our party life, but it is regrettable that, along with them, we as a party are all facing a serious challenge and a difficult test. And let us not forget: the people trust deeds more than words and moralising. If we discredit ourselves in their eyes, it will be very difficult to win back their trust. If we preserve and strengthen their trust, if we convince them that we are a party of deeds that keeps its word, then a broad and secure road to victory in the second electoral contest will lie open before us. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

On 2.10.1991, at around 8.00, I was summoned by Mr. Fatmir Kumbaro and informed that I was being dismissed from my job. I was prepared for and expected such an action, after all the incessant pressure he had put on me from the first days of his arrival, which I have also denounced through the press. To tell the truth, I was more pleased than distressed. What pleased me was that now, more than ever, I understand that democracy will win. In its final throes, the beast becomes more rabid than ever. The continuous demands, backed by successive strikes by the RTSH workforce, will receive public attention and have finally produced results. Fury also calls for a bite. And so the first person to be struck had to be me, because on 1.10.1991 I deemed legally valid the petition that the leadership of the RTSH Independent Trade Union sent to Mr. Kumbaro, warning him that if he did not dismiss all the monist and incompetent directors and department heads by 5 October, the union would launch an indefinite general strike. I want to remind Mr. Kumbaro once again of the cold sweat that covered him in the hall on his first day here—or, rather, the day after his first night, since he arrived at RTSH at night. It was the wonderful, hard-working RTSH workforce that, after the dictator’s monument fell, refused—and still refuses—to accept dictatorship. But it can no longer accept deception either. Fatmir Kumbaro, you, who were elected to the highest bodies of your Party and hold a different membership card from the one you discarded when you were a “frozen” Party member, seem to have begun to “thaw.” And now you are displaying the violence that your “Zeus” inflicted on this people for 50 years. You displayed this violence on 2.10.1991 against Piro Ruvina, the news editor, who included the RTSH employees’ strike in the news bulletin—a report that was broadcast and sent to Rome to give them exclusivity over RTSH. With 12 questions, which I have and which are recorded in the minutes of the meeting, I and several colleagues on the collegium did not allow you to put your much-desired signature on it. I have also denounced the actions you were taking while, in the mistaken restructuring, you sought to proceed from the bottom up, something you arrogantly declared to the workforce itself, which had called you to account. Mr. Kumbaro, since I made these denunciations in the press, why did you not refute them—or, better yet, why did you not refute them in front of the entire workforce? No, even the most naïve person can see clearly: you want me to do you a service by silencing 700 members of the RTSH union. If I had applied the law the way you wanted, what position would you have given me? Most likely, to accompany Virgjil Kule on his fifth trip abroad in eight months. The position I chose is that of defending the rule of law, and defending the honesty and dignity of RTSH’s honest employees, who, because of your monist leadership, have been blamed by public opinion for things they do not deserve—to be called cheats and liars. No, dear people: the employees of RTSH are heroes. They have borne the brunt of professional repression more than anyone, through the most monstrous censorship ever known in the press and information. Therefore, they deserve—and have earned—support for their strike to remove the monist and incompetent managers from RTSH. But Parliament is called upon to show even greater honour and dignity by removing Fatmir Kumbaro, because even the remaining two years of this Parliament should have made you aware that retaining him also diminishes the reputation of the Party you represent. FATIME GERBI lawyer

(SURVEY) . Before the closing session, our journalist Rakip Sulçe prepared this survey with delegates at the venue of the First National Assembly of the DP, using the following questions: 1. — What image did you have when you arrived at this assembly? 2. — What impression did you form during the days of proceedings? 3. — In your view, what was the main theme of the proceedings? 4. — Was diversity of opinion expressed as a necessity or as division? 5. — Did democratic conduct win or lose? 6. — Who lost? 7. — What made a bad impression on you? 8. — What did you leave unsaid? 9. — Which speech was the best? 10. — What impressions are you leaving with? 11. — “Oh! Excuse me! Have you ever attended one of these congresses before?” Replies: Jemin Gjana — Pogradec. 1. — With the image of an assembly for debate. 2. — The selection of speeches was unfair. 3. — The consolidation of the DP and the coming election campaign. 4. — In theory it is a necessity, but in practice I had the impression of division. 5. — I think it grew stronger. 6. — The grandstanding. 7. — The feigned seriousness of some people. 8. — Nothing. 9. — The speeches by R. Uka and G. Pashko. 10. — We succeeded in securing leadership for action. 11. — I never even dreamed I would attend that kind of congress! Gafur Shameti — MP — Vlorë. 1. — With the image of defining the future of the DP and the country. 2. — The assembly demonstrated complete freedom of thought and speech. 3. — The DP’s past and future. 4. — It was, and must be, a necessity. 5. — It gained a great deal. 6. — The 50-year-old tribunes. 7. — The excessive applause and frequent standing ovations. 8. — That I am a democrat and not in favour of factionalism. 9. — R. Uka’s speech. 10. — With confidence that the DP is fully capable of directing the country’s political and economic life. 11. — No. Bardhyl Reso — MP — Tirana: 1. — With the hope that the DP would preserve the distinctive qualities it had at its beginning. 2. — Albania is still far from true democracy. 3. — The technical issues involved in organising the DP. 4. — Without diversity of opinion, democracy is not democracy. Opinions were expressed to find the path to democracy. 5. — We are at the beginning of learning this conduct. 6. — The “coward” loses… 7. — In some cases, the “disruption” of the hall, so that people could not hear, which suggested that it was done for some… 8. — I said what I had to say. 9. — No one’s speech left an impression on me. 10. — I have still not distanced myself enough from the aura of the SP. 11. — No, not even as one of Enver’s Pioneers. Muharrem Stojku — Fier: 1. — With the image that Sali Berisha would remain at the head of the DP. 2. — The proceedings went normally. 3. — Reorganising the DP to adapt it to the new circumstances. 4. — There was no division. 5. — It won. 6. — The crypto-communists. 7. — Nothing. 8. — What the DP should attack more forcefully at this stage. 9. — The speech by Tom Berisha from Kosovo. 10. — I am leaving satisfied, since the main tasks were accomplished. 11. — No. Margarita Ikonomi — Durrës: 1. — With the image of confidence in democracy’s victory. 2. — With the DP, Albania is entering a promising path. 3. — Political reorganisation for the future—the approaching elections. 4. — I think there were factions, but they found no support. 5. — We are in its embrace. 6. — Those who had won for 47 years. 7. — The nervousness of some people. 8. — The issue of how the DP branches and their leaders in the districts are treated, and also something about the tasks assigned to MPs. 9. — The speech by Xhemal Uruçi — Shkodër. 10. — With the impression that, led by people such as Dr. Sali Berisha, Albania will soon become democratic throughout. 11. — I have attended a Youth Congress. Ridvan Peshkëpia — MP — (Continued on page 2) … to explain and disseminate with maturity and transparency ideas and tasks of the DP programme, deepened and enriched by its First Assembly. There is no doubt that the outcome of the electoral contest will also be decided in the countryside, where the greatest effort and the largest forces must be concentrated on this front. But it is essential that we understand the psychology of the villager, its particular features, and the circumstances of our countryside today. Only six months have passed since 31 March 1991, yet during this very brief period our countryside has undergone upheavals and is experiencing real tragedies. The villagers are becoming ever more convinced of the PP’s 50 years of deceit: they must link not only their future but also their present to the DP and the other parties of the democratic opposition, and to democracy in general, which in nine months gave them what the PP and its dictatorship had taken away from them for 47 years. To convince the villagers, it is not enough to raise two fingers, recite isolated phrases from newspapers and books, or condemn Enver’s dictatorship in general. We must go into every villager’s home, sit down with them by their hearths or at the edge of their fields, open our hearts to them, and find simple, understandable words to discuss the problems of our town, our countryside and our nation as a whole. We must engage their thoughts on how we can climb out of the abyss into which the PP plunged us, and compare the programmes of… … “We were better off in Enver’s time.” A delegate reminded salt had been sold for as much as 16 lek. Faced with such a reality, these villagers would even say to our people: “Your democracy has brought us nowhere; it has even left us without salt.” But we must make it clear to these villagers that it is the PP or the SP, not democracy, that has brought us to this state; it is they who are putting sticks or stones in the wheels of our locomotive, wishing and doing everything to prolong this all-encompassing crisis for as long as possible. We must convince the villagers that, although for the moment it is difficult for them even to secure salt and bread, democracy has given them much more: above all, it has given them freedom and true democracy, the salt of human life; it gave them land and livestock, and will give them many other benefits in the future. A new approach and a higher standard are also required in our work in the towns, which must be shaped to reflect the diversity of the population’s composition. We must always bear in mind that we cannot speak in the same terms or use the same language with workers, young people and intellectuals. Here the pressure from other parties is even stronger. We cannot claim that there are…

. The Kukës District branches of the Democratic Party, the Republican Party and the Social Democratic Party, together with the Association of Political Prisoners, observing that the political, economic and social situation is deteriorating ever further, and the harvests, etc. 4. — This committee has allowed delays in implementing the land law, putting the autumn sowing at risk and increasing political tensions in the countryside. 5. — It has allowed the monopoly of the Socialist Party over appointments to be maintained. Most managers and all personnel chiefs in businesses and institutions continue to be members of the Albanian Party of Labour, appointed by the Socialist Party, many of them compromised, without the relevant education and incompetent. There is insistence on placing former PP officials and apparatchiks in selected positions, such as Bajram Vata, Skënder Ahmeti, Selime Doçi, Xhemali Elezi, Lume Baja, etc., while capable opposition personnel are not valued or are targeted. This committee bears full responsibility for the delay in dismissing the hospital director, even though it is known that this institution has serious problems that are being kept hidden. 6. — It has not opposed the appointment and transfer of personnel in the justice system, law-enforcement bodies and the intelligence service, who are former members of the PP (the prosecutor, the court president, the head of the law-enforcement branch, the chief investigator and the head of the intelligence service). 7. — It has remained silent in the face of the inactivity of the law-enforcement and justice bodies in preventing, identifying and punishing offenders. 8. — It is allowing fear and psychological tension to grow by tolerating the circulation of armed civilians, with or without permits, most of whom are members of the SP. 9. — It has taken no measures to provide humane treatment for former political prisoners, for example with regard to housing and employment. 10. — The systematic destruction of files and individual documents in the former Department of Internal Affairs continues. (Continued on page 2)