In recent months, there has been much talk and discussion of a crisis of confidence among large sections of our people. Some go so far as to reach a paralyzing, panic-inducing, defeatist extreme, claiming that this country is cursed, fated to sink into swamps or ravines and never see bright days like the rest of Europe. Therefore, according to these gloomy minds and alarmists, we have no choice but to submit to fate, accept communism with the face of Tato Nano, dressed in a socialist suit, or flee abroad, running as fast as our legs can carry us. This cloud of pessimism drifting over our skies at the end of this century is neither new nor unknown. It was seen in 1878, in 1910–1912, in 1914–1917, in 1920, in 1924, and in 1944–1947, whenever our age-old enemies considered the realization of their plans to swallow us up and erase us as a nation and as a geographical entity to be very near. They amplified the voices of their parrots inside our country, who said that little, uncivilized Albania could not find its own path to development and progress, and that a larger neighbor had to take it under its wing or into its lap. Over the last 50 years, Yugoslavia under Tito, Ranković and Milošević has coveted this privilege most, encouraged especially by the Trojan horses it had planted at the top of the pyramid of the PPSH and our state. Can we say that the old ones have passed away and there are no new ones? Certainly not. The events of the last two years have also given us many significant facts about the synchronization of formulas, actions and interests between certain political and military circles in Belgrade and Tirana. The chorus of mourners over the crisis of confidence grew especially loud after the rapid rise of the PD as the largest political force in Albania, capable of uprooting communism and taking the reins of government. Who else but the PP, or the PS and its bands of government officials and administrators, would tremble at this? They cannot openly do anything to the PD or halt its march. So they joined forces to do destructive work by poisoning people with slander and rumors, launching unscrupulous attacks against the most prominent leaders, eagerly rummaging through old files in Enver’s style and opening new ones, while projecting onto them their own innate and shameful vices. In this crusade, they are also helped by the decision accepted by our party and the other former parties to participate in the Government of Stability. It was a sacrifice in the name of the people’s highest interests. The people wanted calm and understanding, and to be saved from the tentacles of the [unclear]. They were seething like a volcano. Forty-seven years of dictatorship, with its cruel oppression, unscrupulous demagoguery, torrents of empty promises and baseless lies, had shattered their nerves and broken their spirit. If they had erupted, the consequences could have been tragic, unimaginable. But the PS seized the hand we extended, in order to leave on it some traces of its old and new [unclear] and tell the people: “Look at their hands; they are just like ours, no better than us.” We had anticipated this danger. We were convinced that we would be dealing with a partner whose genes carried treachery, but we could not avoid it. And, just as we expected, we soon felt a hail of lies with long tails falling on our heads and shoulders, claiming that the PD now held the government in its hands and that it was making things worse. (Continued on page 2)

On 19.10.1991, a magnificent rally was held in the city of Fier, attended by around 30,000 people and organized by the district branch of the Democratic Party. The rally was attended by the chairman of the PD, Mr. Sali Berisha, representatives of the Republican Party and the Social Democratic Party, the Association of Political Prisoners, and the Independent Trade Union. The rally was organized under the slogan “To uproot communism from Albania.” The chairman of the PD, Mr. Sali Berisha, also spoke at the gathering. He said that, to save Albania from communism and become worthy members of the new Europe, the country must achieve full pluralist democracy. Full democratization of the country also serves national reconciliation. In the name of this reconciliation, we call for the removal of communist symbols. Addressing a group of military personnel, Mr. Berisha told them: “You should be glad that the eagle of Skanderbeg will replace the star in our country.” Guests from the Republican Party, the PSD, also spoke at the rally. The rally proceeded very peacefully and without any inci-

Stevens Weeks reports from Yugoslavia on 22 October: The Yugoslav Army and Croatian rebels established a new EC-backed ceasefire and continued fighting with mortar duels and bombardments, killing at least 26 people over the past three days. Croatian radio reported that fierce fighting took place in towns along the southern Adriatic coast, near the port city of Dubrovnik, which has been under siege by the federal army for three weeks. “The resorts of Zupa, Kupari, Plait and Minit were destroyed. All the hotels were destroyed,” a Croatian radio reporter in the region emphasized. The army is advancing toward the historic port city in southern Croatia, the old medieval city known as “the Pearl of the Adriatic.” Dubrovnik has been cut off from the outside world. On Monday, the army continued artillery and tank bombardments throughout the republic. Heavy mortar duels were reported on Monday in Podravska-Slatina and Mikleus in central Croatia, and around Vukovar and Osijek in the east. Fighting has been reported around villages near the highway linking Belgrade with the Croatian capital, Zagreb, which has been closed since August because of the fighting. Travel between the two cities is completely impossible.

OBSERVER OF PARLIAMENT The parliamentary session on Wednesday, at which the delay in investigations into the abuses committed by former communist leaders at the people’s expense was discussed, unfolded in a rather strange manner. Only Democratic Party MPs asked questions of the chairman of the General Investigation Directorate, Mr. Petrit Serjani, expressing the widespread public concern that the bloc leaders, who had unjustly appropriated millions of lek and dollars, had not been arrested. Although the PP (PS) MPs represent the largest share of the electorate, their spectator-like stance and silence almost amounted to approval of the fact that the super-thieves of millions remain free and silent, when the law punishes even those who stole 200 lek. Everyone present could sense the different positions of the two parliamentary groups on this issue. PD MP Ylli Vesiu, unable to bear the weight of their silence, intervened, putting the question directly to the Prosecutor General so as not to violate the procedure of the plenary session. For the reasons he explained, the chairman of the PS Parliamentary Group (the ... [illegible text]) replied indirectly that he could not [unclear] the silence of ... [cut off/illegible section] ... the large body of People’s Assembly MPs. The electorate that elected them undoubtedly also expects them today to ask the investigative body why it is not proceeding quickly in this matter, whose fair adjudication will determine, to some extent, the degree of democratization of the state itself, the politicization of the justice institutions, and the reduction of social tension. It is true that no one can equate the lavish lives of the bloc leaders with those of the communist-socialist MPs. But it has been explained several times that the pyramid of power, built over half a century, is still standing, even if some of its [unclear]. A former chairman of an executive committee or party committee (PP), a former cooperative chairman, and so on—people of whom there are many in the PP(S) parliamentary group—may not have lived in the highest circles, but ultimately each was a small bloc leader in his town or village. Their apartments, [unclear], dinners, illicit dealings and other things they attained through their despotism have been written about several times. As part of this pyramid, they could not detach themselves from the system; they stood at the forefront of the infamous anti-capitulation campaigns, and their struggle was ... [illegible section] Neither changing the party’s name nor its current propaganda in socialist colors can sever them from this organic connection; there is no way to explain their silence on an issue to which the entire public is sensitive. Nevertheless, the PD MPs asked so many questions that they brought the whole issue to the fore. The crux of this investigation has been whether or not the decision of the PP Political Bureau was legal—the decision by which the Party’s bloc leaders gave themselves the right to plunder the people’s wealth and hard work. Several MPs, including Mr. M. Konomi, Mr. A. Imami and Mr. B. Berisha, asked this question in various forms. But neither the chairman of the General Investigation Directorate nor the Prosecutor General answered it fully. Exercising his right to a one-minute reply, Mr. M. Konomi was content to ask that the question be answered with a “Yes” or “No.” Mr. Imami stated that a decision drafted solely by a group of thieves in order to rob the very people who drafted it cannot be considered legal. Mr. Berisha also insisted that the decision be identified as having been drawn up by a kleptocratic gang. But the result? Even though these interventions received no precise answer regarding the rightful [unclear] ... [illegible section] More than anything else, the MPs were concerned about the delay in the investigation. In cases of this kind, only three bloc leaders have been arrested, while the other 33 on the list have appropriated just as much, if not more. Indeed, some MPs expressed suspicion that the President or other people in power were behind the slow pace of the investigation. During his reply, Mr. Blerim Cela told the chairman of the General Investigation Directorate: “I don’t want to defend M. Myftiu and H. Isai, but it is possible that they were arrested first because they had recently opposed the President. As for N. Hoxha, you cannot arrest him because the President won’t allow it.” Mr. Kristaq Ngjela replied to the MPs that this was a difficult case and that, given the inadequate investigative resources, a three-month period was not enough. He added that the bloc leaders’ cases were under investigation and that investigators were working without prejudice or particular nostalgia. In any case, he said, this investigation would be completed during the coming months. Ultimately, we can only speculate, because this period is not far off and each of us will see the result of the investigation for ourselves and judge whether the investigators truly worked without prejudice in this case. GJENC TURANA

(Photo: DRITAN KARAN)

DECLARATION • Of the People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania The People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania has taken note of the result announced by the Central Commission of the Assembly of Kosovo, which confirms the complete success of the referendum approving the resolution of that Assembly, through which the Republic of Kosovo is defined as a sovereign and independent state, founded on freedom and full equality with all other peoples. The People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania considers the resolution entirely just, legitimate and based on the principles of fundamental international democratic documents, such as the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris. The People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania has also taken note of the decision to form the New Provisional Government of the Republic of Kosovo, headed by Dr. Bujar Bukoshi. By this historic act, the people of Kosovo, the oldest people and the third largest among the peoples living on their own lands within Yugoslavia, and their lawful governing body, the Assembly of Kosovo, will continue to contribute to resolving the Yugoslav crisis by democratic means, as well as to strengthening the democratic spirit and ensuring stability in the Balkans and Europe. The People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania recognizes the Republic of Kosovo as a sovereign and independent state, based on freedom and full equality with all other peoples. It also recognizes the legitimacy of the New Provisional Government of the Republic of Kosovo under the leadership of Dr. Bujar Bukoshi. It calls on international democratic opinion and the participating states of the CSCE to recognize and respect the legitimate will of the Albanian people of Kosovo. This would be further proof of their sincere and unwavering commitment to a just resolution of the Yugoslav crisis. THE PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA

We, a group of war veterans, N. Gllirint, who fought for a free, democratic Albania, now realize that we were betrayed by the top leaders and by the iron-fisted Enverist Stalinist dictatorship. With the blood of 28,000 [unclear] for freedom and the toil of 2 million or more slaves, he created works and fortresses for himself, and immense privileges such as even the Ottoman sultans and emperors never had. Many of those who fought in the war were cast into the abyss by Enver Hoxha and discriminated against, denied even the rights to the 100-lek war allowance, because he divides the great war into two parts: before 24 May and after 24 May, which was the most difficult period of the armed uprising. The [unclear] of 1990 brought the breeze of democracy [vë?] Student, who also supported it, and from [unclear] began the democratic processes in Albania; it brought the democratization of Albania by peaceful means, realizing our changes for a democratic Albania, where people would live as equals before the law. All of us veterans have been in a ruined state regarding the 100-lek war allowance, since we still have not received it because of obstacles ... [illegible section]. Respectfully, from a group of veterans ... [illegible section]