On 22 and 23 October in the People’s Assembly - At long last, the doctrine of Economic Capitalism gains legal status in Albania too. - Parliamentary PP (Socialists) more capitalist than the capitalists!!! - In theory, the draft reform program was approved. But what about its practical implementation?… At a time when the country’s socio-economic situation and the political situation inside and outside the Albanian parliament are very tense, on the morning of 22 October 1991 Mr. Gramoz Pashko, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy, presented the country’s Economic Reform Program on behalf of the Government of Stability. After presenting the draft program, Mr. Pashko answered questions about it, which mainly concerned the setting of forecasts, details and specific calculations, as well as determining the most favorable and possible minimum timeframes. He said that specific calculations were not possible at this stage. The practical implementation of the reform, through its laws, will determine the expected profile of its specific features. Regarding agriculture, he explained that the reform we are discussing began to be implemented precisely with the land law. Discussion followed and continued in the sessions on Wednesday, 23 October. Everyone accepted the reform as necessary, as the only way out of the deep crisis. The need to ensure peace and public order was emphasized, along with the adoption of appropriate measures, including the dissolution and reorganization of the Ministry of Public Order. The basis for beginning implementation of the reform would be either a political solution or a social solution, linked to the timing of the next elections. It was also stressed that the reform offers no guarantees unless the rule of law is put into operation and executive power is restructured in the districts. It was suggested that a package of laws on pensions and social insurance in the countryside also be added. A characteristic of these discussions was the frequent repetition of the authors’ “poetic sensibility” and versifying. As always, among those leading the way were Messrs. Godole and Fasko. Without wishing to belittle their sincerity, they would pluck verses from the head of our eagle, but also speak of a “severed eagle’s head,” and then put the verses back again… Mr. Ruçi, meanwhile, goes to extremes when he declares that Mr. Berisha will never become President of this people and should resign from the Albanian political scene (Perhaps this is a thought. A decision anticipated by the PP(S)-ists). On this occasion, I would quote the Irish-born psychologist Frank Bernshtajn, who says: “Never say ‘never.’ ‘Never!’ clothed in the word ‘people’ exists only in the mouth of the DICTATOR, and above all in the mouth of one who, regardless of power, is a DICTATOR in spirit.” He (Mr. Ruçi) also insults Messrs. Çeka and Hajdari, which subsequently prompted a protest statement by the PD parliamentary group. And a mutual exchange of replies. Meanwhile, the “metamorphosis” of the PP(S)-ists was complete in these discussions: more capitalist than the capitalists! And, in the role of “the accused who accuses,” they accused the PD of trying to snatch a share of the glory for the merits of drafting the reform. It is understood that, above all, one thing is perfectly clear: this is a reform solution whose implementation is the responsibility of the entire nation. But, so as not to fall into the positions of communist-socialist collectivism, truth requires that full authorship be acknowledged. Otherwise, it would be a travesty! Again, without wishing to offend the sincerity of many PP(S) speakers, it should be stressed that, since the PP(S) is “seasoned in oil and vinegar” when it comes to political maneuvering, this time too it is playing the “dance” of gaining credibility. This becomes more believable when one also sees the “dance” performed by the “conductor,” Ramiz Alia. Add to these the “chorus” of RTV, MPJ, MRP, etc., and you can clearly see the outlines of the “stage design” for credibility. At the end of the discussion, the Prime Minister, Mr. Ylli Bufi, gave a syn-thesis of the Draft Program, its advantages and disadvantages, the factors and socio-economic situation in the country, and the measures and tasks arising from this situation. “We, as a government, are against a political solution. An economic solution leads to a political solution. Otherwise, we will sink into crisis and chaos,” he emphasized. In conclusion, he said: “I consider it my duty to tell you that this vote will also be a vote of confidence in the Government of Stability.” Then MP Albert Karrali proposed that, in such an unusual situation, the Prime Minister be granted extraordinary powers to appoint and dismiss ministers and heads of executive committees. This proposal was left to be worked on and presented at another session. Meanwhile, Mr. Pashko intervened, suggesting that this vote would merely open the way for the implementation of the Reform, which would then proceed independently through the approval of specific packages of laws as parts of the Reform as a whole. “And for this opening of the way, your vote is now required ‘as a block,’” Mr. Pashko concluded. Before the vote, the heads of the parliamentary groups, Mr. Çeka and Mr. Dokle, read declarations of confidence on behalf of their groups. Finally, at 9:18 p.m., the green cards of around 200 deputies present (that number, according to Mr. Dokle, since the secretariat had not counted them) were raised from the desks to give unanimous votes of confidence to the Government of National Stability and its Program for Economic Reform toward a market economy. Correspondent of “PD”

Is the President a criminal? Is it possible that the president is the perpetrator of the crime? Let us calmly examine the course of the last seven months. On 2 April, the Shkodra massacre took place. In the socialist press we see the argument that “PPSH could not have carried out this massacre because it won the elections.” Reality suggests a second explanation, much more convincing than the first. “In less than four months of existence, the PD secured almost 40 percent of the electorate’s votes. This was an unprecedentedly rapid gain for a political party in Eastern Europe. The PD’s victory in the main cities sounded the alarm for Albanian communism, still unrefor-med. Therefore the cunning of the intelligence decided to halt this extremely dangerous process. The method used was the only one known to the totalitarian mindset: brutal violence.” I answer the argument about the workers’ terror with reasoning that is likewise indirect. But there is another, very brief line of reasoning: “A totalitarian communist state has a pyramid from whose apex the law is dictated. Not even a line of poetry could appear in the press without Zeus’s approval. How could the chief of the gods know nothing about the order for the massacre carried out in his hometown?” The Shkodra trial is a second, interesting page to analyze. The diversion of attention from the crime to certain disciplinary violations by the police hierarchy, to the totalitarian mindset: brutal violence.” to the totalitarian mindset: brutal violence.” The Shkodra crime is deeply troubling for its perpetrators. The nation’s extremely powerful reaction took them by surprise. As usual, they miscalculated. But this error is turning into a fatal one. To escape, suspicion is falling not only on the opposition but also on the President, in the minds of a very broad public without party affiliation. The circle is closing in: Mr. Alia feels it. And to alter the irreversible course of events, he organizes an alibi—the unannounced visit to Shkodra on 24 October, where the main event was a condolence ceremony with the families of the martyrs of democracy. The President’s true “guilt” separates him from the fear that he might be exposed. It is a sentence by Shakespeare, uttered 400 years ago, that remains valid for all time. An exoneration in the style of Pontius Pilate. But once again the calculation was wrong: an innocent president would shake the planet until the criminals and murderers of the young people of the noble city of Shkodra were caught and punished with the greatest severity that genuine democratic justice would permit. But he remained silent for days, weeks, months… And suddenly, an ill-timed journey, at an unsuitable time. Late, as always. Received in the most scandalous way imaginable for an ordinary person, let alone a president. An old man mentions an incident… subdued, submissive, patient and accepting in the face of insults that could ultimately be printed in a newspaper. How did he endure it? Why did he not open up to his fellow citizens even once, at least once in his life, and speak to them openly, from the heart, candidly and sincerely? Even we, his opponents, did not want him to be so low! For an Albanian intellectual, it is exceedingly hard to bear such a terrible suspicion about the president of his country. Although, in our hearts, we would like him not to be a murderer. Because in the difficult times we live in, it would be discrediting and deeply painful if we were heading toward Europe led by… a criminal! A terrible thought, truly terrible. But the anguish of evidence, conjectures and suspicions, passed through the mathematical filter of logic, tells us, gives us no hope. At least not up to today. May God grant that tomorrow leads us onto a new path, where concrete facts will form the President’s true alibi, instead of that frightening 24-hour alibi which accuses him—further proof of his guilt. and not at all intelligent. As for socialism, he is sincere and very intelligent. We find this last assertion difficult to accept when we recall at least one such fact: an entire plenary session decided that Enver Hoxha’s name should remain at UT, whereas just 24 hours later the president agreed to remove his name. Can a person who does not know what will happen 24 hours later be called intelligent? Nevertheless, this debate is pointless. No one needs to insist on imposing their own views on someone else. It matters little whether we have different opinions about a person, even if that person is the president. What matters is answering the question: did Ramiz Alia order the killing of Arben Broci and his comrades, or did he not give that order? In addressing this grave matter, our sympathies or antipathies do not come into it at all. We have the victims before us. We absolutely must find the criminal. He has remained anonymous for seven months, and no one knows when he will be exposed. The Shkodër trial constitutes a second, interesting page to analyze. The shifting of attention from the crime to a few disciplinary lapses by local police officials is clear proof that those who organized the crime were extremely powerful. And the trial, as expected, was interrupted. A man of no small importance like Gramoz Ruçi feels extremely nervous. He is entirely right (according to the many analysts who judge coolly because they are outside the “real event”), because “he received an order and gave an order.” In a way, he feels partly responsible, but not wholly responsible—the full responsibility that those who keep him very close want to place on his shoulders, while in the near future they may sacrifice him without the slightest hesitation. It is this psychological state that makes him so aggressive that he loses his balance in parliament and strikes where he should not— in his way. For that he remained silent for weeks, for months... And then, suddenly, an unsuitable leader most scandalous manner imaginable for any ordinary person, let alone a president. Defeated, might eventually be written about in the newspaper. How did he endure it? How did he not open up to his fellow citizens them Albanian intellectual, it is exceedingly painful to endure

which is broadcast in New York only on Sundays, has begun regular broadcasts on five other days of the week: Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. It will be broadcast from 18:00 to 18:30, on shortwave at 19 m or on the frequency 15,690 MHz. The Editorial Office

For years, every September the French Communist Party of Georges Marchais and the editorial staff of its publication “Humanité” have organized an international festival. Newspaper editors from sister publications of communist parties in other countries are invited. They have never forgotten to send an invitation to the ZP editorial office, either. But as long as the PP considered itself the only true communist party, the comrades in that editorial office did not accept the invitation from their French comrades. Unexpectedly, this year—in other words, this September—they accepted and flew to Paris. The delegation was headed by the editor-in-chief of the ZP publication, Përparim Xhixha, also well known in Canada for a scandal. Word came from the French airport that they had with them a sack of tullas and another of qeleshe, but it was not specified whether the qeleshe had stars on them. What motives drove comrade Përparim to undertake this trip? Political or business-related? Party or personal? Surely he knows that Georges Marchais has not changed the name of his party and has sworn to remain faithful to his communism? How are we to understand this act? Has Marchais changed, or have Përparim and the PP remained what they were? Yet Përparim cries out in the newspaper and everywhere that he is now a socialist, that he has distanced himself from the PP and communism. Perhaps now that they have become socialists, it is better for them to trade places with Përparim? Perhaps Marchais did not know that the PP had changed its name and its mask; perhaps he is convinced that, whatever name Enver’s and Ramiz’s party goes by, it will remain what it has been since the day of its creation. We could go on with more “perhaps” as long as Përparim keeps this trip secret. Go on, then, and believe him when he writes—

(Ftësi Z. F. Nano) Only the day after your visit to Student City did the students hear the news that Mr. F. Nano had supposedly held a meeting “among them”! Regretting that the absolute majority of them could not meet you, we send you this letter—the student opinion through the newspaper “RD”... First, you should no longer be more of a thief than in the democratic city, but act as every party member has done up to now. Whereas you told us a mil-ltim of H. Millo-sit’s mentality, who arrived in the middle of “Tirana” without anyone knowing anything. (Forgive us, students who attended the meeting; we do not want to insult you by comparing you with the university)... Second: if someone announces “ZP” has scored an own goal against us, you have dropped right out of the league with red cards. 100–130 students took part in your illegal meeting, and they have now exposed the wires you hid up the stairs. But what did the conversation show? Seven days ago you closed the University on us, whereas today you promised what you had promised us in February, March, April, May?! Eight months ago you drove us into a hunger strike, defended E. Hoxha, whereas today you tell us that you completely distance yourselves from the era of E. Hoxha?! In the desire for a “renewal” congress, you declared that Enver was not such a key figure. D. Agolli at the Congress, whereas today you declared that he was not twice a dictator. Third: you said that the socialists are with the students. If that were so, those socialist government officials would be knocking on doors in the West to look for the student leaders! Then they would speak in parliament about their votes to the chairmen of the cooperatives— —the social-communist cooperatives, which on 16–20 February sent telegrams to TV “ZP,” demanding that we be outlawed, and when the assembly is chaired by the chief political correspondent K. Islami. Fourth: “ZP” moved you with that very long article, even longer than its shameful attacks on the students in February. The author had polished the truth so much that it was unclear whether there was any truth left at all. “ZP” wrote that the students did not agree with any of those who accused the socialists!!! Bravo, “ZP”—but do you still not see, to the very end, who brought down the communist leader, E. Hoxha, and when that was wanted? According to your logic, it turns out that the students have repented!!! This (Continued on page 4) balance in parliament and strikes where he should not—

Veteran ambassador Petraq Pojani, one of Enver Hoxha’s and his policy’s most zealous heralds, rushed off to Brussels without receiving approval from the country concerned and the European Committee. Why this haste? Was it perhaps fear that the President might change his mind because of the opposition’s demands and press articles, and cancel the initial decision? That would be a real catastrophe for comrade Petraq, for his new dreams and plans. I learn here that for many days he has been exhausted from roaming around vast Brussels to find a villa to suit his and his family’s tastes. As an ambassador and an old-school diplomat, he should know very well that, according to diplomatic practice, the technical staff and embassy building are arranged first, and only then does the ambassador arrive. This practice has also been observed recently. That is how, for example, our embassies in Moscow and Washington were handled. So why was this rule broken in this case? It is bad enough that he broke one rule, but on top of that he himself caused another breach. While devoting all his time to this, he “forgot” to take an interest in receiving and accommodating our government delegation, headed by the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Economy, Gramoz Pashko. Have they reprimanded comrade Petraq for this too? Or have they forgiven him because this is the first step in his unfinished renovation campaign? Whatever this so-called renewal may be, in this case and in their party, it means undertaking a luxury project at the country’s expense. (K. Sh.?) ...

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How do you want the economic reforms to be? 1.- Rapid, but initially bringing a sharp fall in living standards and then raising them noticeably, 2.- Gradual, but yielding small gains. These are the two possible answers to the question we put to a large group of respondents, specifically to gauge their opinions on these two alternatives now facing our society on the path to its economic reform. Here are the technical results of the survey: RATES “Rapid” “Gradual” WORKERS 977 303 RURAL RESIDENTS 316 123 EMPLOYEES 530 204 PENSIONERS 27 26 UNEMPLOYED 124 48 TOTAL 1984 704 ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS: Seventy-four percent of respondents say they favor rapid reforms (the shock option), compared with 26 percent who favor gradual reforms. Workers have the higher figure (76 percent of the workers surveyed favor rapid reforms), while rural residents have the lowest, at 72 percent according to the indicators. It is interesting to note that a certain… of the sample—71 percent of the rural residents surveyed—say they favor rapid economic reforms. The strong preference for rapid reforms is no coincidence. More than a mere percentage, this fact primarily expresses the desire and balance of the majority of people in favor of a European-style economic structure. Shouldn’t this desire be decisive in reaching such a conclusion? K. Sh. PËLLUMB KALAMETO Tirana, 15.10.1991