FOR HOLDING THE ASSEMBLY FOR PAN-NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND UNITY ON 28 NOVEMBER 1991 Gathered on 24.10.1991, in response to the great responsibility of the urgent appeal that the Albanian nation makes to its sons and daughters to overcome the deep crisis that has engulfed the country and avert the danger of the catastrophe threatening it day by day, intellectuals from many institutions and enterprises unanimously considered it an urgent matter to address, on a broad scale and with the utmost seriousness, the problem of nationwide reconciliation and unity. Starting from the desire: - to establish calm and social peace, - to create normal, favorable conditions for implementing economic reform, - to support and guarantee the uninterrupted development of pluralist democracy, and - to open the way for the country’s rapid progress and its worthy integration into the European community, while also bearing in mind that: - the idea of national unity has been accepted by all the country’s political parties and expressed in all their programs, and that this idea has received full support in Albanian public opinion, in the press and other mass media, and from prominent figures in Kosovo and the Albanian diaspora, THE MEETING OF THE INITIATING INTELLECTUALS: RESOLVED: 1. To issue a call for an all-Albanian Assembly to convene in Tirana on 28 November 1991. 2. Its central theme shall be: Reconciliation and National Unity, the most pressing issue of our time for the interests of the country and all Albanians, for their present and future. Modern times call for a modern national reconciliation, as many other peoples and countries have achieved. As a necessary condition for the unity of all Albanians inside and outside Albania, reconciliation does not exclude—in fact, it presupposes—the existence of political pluralism, diversity of opinion, debate and polemic as the essence of rivalry between political parties. It must exclude only one thing: violence in addressing and resolving social and political problems. You may differ in ideas and views, in political parties and programs, and in religious beliefs, but we share our nation and Albania; we are all Albanians, brothers by blood, so let us place Albanian identity above all else. Since holding the Assembly in November had been left to chance and preparations for it had stalled, we were compelled to take this initiative. Time will wait no longer! At a moment when the prospects for a true democratic rebirth and rapid advancement to the level of European countries are so great, our homeland is being pushed toward general upheaval, degradation and chaos, which are spreading rapidly; theft, corruption, banditry and insecurity among the people are flourishing. The country is rapidly sliding toward fratricidal, self-destructive conflict, for which all political forces, without exception, but especially the parties participating in the Government of Stability, bear a grave responsibility for this hopeless and historic situation. It is time to rise above narrow party interests and, united, immediately take concrete measures—and, if necessary, extraordinary ones—so that the situation does not deteriorate and get out of control. The Assembly must express the strength and will of Albanians to defend the nation and democracy; it must mark the triumph of traditional Albanian wisdom in resolving the country’s political and social problems. The Assembly must be held now, in November, for another no less important reason: this is the most suitable moment to raise our voices loudly and forcefully in world circles—to America, Europe, international organizations and peoples—to secure recognition of the Republic of Kosovo as a necessary step toward resolving the Albanian question as a whole. 3. The meeting resolved to call on all political parties in the country, all political and social associations and organizations, all religious communities and Albanian patriots to endorse the convening of this Assembly, contribute to its organization and take part in it, so that it may be crowned with complete success. In particular, we call on the Federation of Albanian Youth, university students and their organizations throughout the country, the Union of Independent Trade Unions and the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions of Albania to support and endorse the holding of this Assembly. 4. We call on political parties and social organizations, as well as prominent political and social figures in Kosovo, to take part in the Assembly for national reconciliation and unity. 5. All prominent figures and patriotic social organizations of the Albanian diaspora are invited to contribute and send their representatives to the Assembly. 6. We call on all Albanian intellectuals, both inside and outside political parties, the Academy of Sciences, universities and all scientific research, educational and cultural institutions, the Higher Institute of Arts, etc., to express their solidarity with this Appeal and actively participate in preparing the Assembly. Meeting of the Initiating Intellectuals for convening the Assembly for National Reconciliation and Unity. Tirana, 24. 10. 1991

In a tragic way, the period we are going through recalls the difficult years 1913–1914, when newly established Albania was driven toward catastrophe. The external enemies then were the same as today: Serbian and Greek chauvinists, who believed that a weakened Albania was their prey. The internal enemies were the Turkophiles of Esat Toptani, who were ready to sell even the country’s independence to keep the Anatolian world standing. The strategy of both sides was to destabilize the internal situation, artificially create exoduses, incite looting, killings and vigilante justice, going so far as to form an international opinion that Albanians are incapable of having a state of their own. The offspring of this situation was the so-called “peasant” movement of Haxhi Qamili, who, with the slogan “We want Baba,” sought to restore the “calm” and “security” of the Anatolian country. A scenario that failed in those years, when Albania was still an infant, is now being set in motion at a time when an entire people has become aware that its destiny is bound up with democracy. To put it into effect, UDB and Megali Idea agents, the overt and covert political criminals of Enver Hoxha’s regime, thieves and murderers, archaeocommunists wearing socialist garb and conservatives posing as democrats have been brought onto the scene. This collection of thieving vermin is the greatest danger threatening not only democracy but the very existence of the Albanian nation. Zografts, Esat Toptanis and Haxhi Qamilis are taking shape within it; in a tacit alliance, they are digging the nation’s grave. Their method of operation is very simple: disrupting public order and calm, with the devilish aim of creating the image of a country unsafe for foreign investors. This means derailing economic reform, suffocating the economy and, consequently, destroying Albania. If this plan were carried out, in the spring the Greek and Serbian flags would meet at the Shkumbin; the Haxhi Qamilis would be hanged, while the Esat Pashas would settle into villas, naturally on Serbian territory. The forecast is macabre; the solution is simple: establish order through the law. ... The maintenance of order in Albania depends on two factors: the functioning of civil authority and the work of the law-enforcement agencies. Civil authority suffered its first blow from the broad democratic movement, which rejected it as an instrument of the Party of Labour. This authority had been compromised by the 31 March elections, when it became part of the machinery through which PP scored a Pyrrhic victory. After that, it began to become paralyzed in areas where democracy won; this was reflected in its rejection by the people and, consequently, in vigilante justice. The transition to pluralist institutions was an attempt to stabilize this authority, and should be understood as a transitional stage toward genuine democratic government. This process has produced better results where the break with the old regime happened earlier. By contrast, in areas where PP retained its strongholds, such as Tepelenë, Përmet, etc., the waves of destruction of communist rule are now arriving with the same signs as those of April–May, when the people and political parties have a more direct ability to exercise control; the prospect of stabilization remains open if the thorns and poisonous plants of the past are cleared away. The outlook presented by the Ministry of Public Order, on the other hand, points toward closure and defeatism. Compared with 1990, which was a year of calm, violent robberies have increased by 76 percent, shop robberies by 300 percent, murders by 73 percent, and road accidents have claimed 140 victims, while the rate at which perpetrators are identified has fallen. A large number of them (193 people) have found refuge in Greece, where there are also around 2,000 soldiers who deserted military service, because after a hermetic closure the law-enforcement agencies opened the border gates wide. These figures alone would suffice to show that the law-enforcement agencies are allowing a low-level destabilization that will soon lead us to a major one. They often blame the legal authorities for their lack of success, claiming that the latter sabotage their work by releasing offenders arrested by the police. This is merely a bitter game in which the police and ordinary officers are made the scapegoats, because after dozens of attacks by unknown persons against people in the streets, and attacks by unknown persons against [text as printed is corrupted], the perpetrators have been identified, but the courts and the investigation have not established [text as printed is corrupted]. It appears that those responsible for self-defense under the monist system have still not been removed from the law-enforcement agencies. It is no longer merely a personal opinion that the malfunctioning of the law-and-order system is leading the country toward catastrophe, just as Esat Toptani led it there in 1914. Esat’s mantle is now worn by the president and PS, who, when dividing up ministerial portfolios, insisted stubbornly that the Ministry of Public Order be their exclusive preserve. The Ministry of Public Order was assigned to this party and, unlike the other ministries, [text as printed is corrupted] no representative of the opposition party was left in the other important posts. On the contrary, ... [damaged section] ... appointed ... [illegible section]. ... (Continued on page 2)

On 30.10.1991, the Youth Forum of the I.L.P. «A Xhuvani» in Elbasan organized a meeting between students and lecturers of the Institute and representatives of the DP in the district and at the central level, as well as representatives of the Youth Forum... The invited guests were the deputy chairman of the DP and chairman of the DP parliamentary group, Mr Neritan Ceka; the chairman of the DP in Elbasan, Mr Fatmir Manushi; the chairman of the Youth Forum, Mr Ridvan Peshkëpia; and the deputy chairman of the Forum, Mr Romeo Karaj. During the meeting, Mr Neritan Ceka said that, as one of the Institute’s first lecturers and as a DP representative, he strongly supported the students’ demands for construction of a police station building and for the Institute to be granted university status. He also spoke about the DP program, economic reform and the work of Parliament. The other guests, F. Manushi, R. Peshkëpia and R. Karaj, also expressed their support for the demands of the students and lecturers and informed them about the structure and activities of the Youth Forum and the DP in the district. The Youth Forum visited the premises of the Institute’s library. Correspondent: RD

In recent days, the I.L.P. “A. Xhuvani” in Elbasan experienced the student strike in its history (the first took place in February this year). During it, students and lecturers of the Institute showed that they are, and will remain, opponents of every dictatorship and fighters for progress and democracy. It is a fact that the students of this Institute were the first to support the initiative and movement of the students of the University of Tirana for pluralism, and to establish in Elbasan a sister movement to that of their friends in Tirana, with whom they stood together at every step, up to the hunger strike, to which they sent their representatives. Unfortunately, Ramiz Alia’s absurd and regressive decision to close the schools, announced through Kastriot Islami, had its negative effect. As a result, the students were forced to disperse to their homes, leaving a considerable void in Elbasan’s democratic environment. The compulsory and traditional holidays finally came to an end, and so the Institute’s dirty premises, with their missing windows, filled up with students once again and, ironically, with so many of them that double occupancy in the overcrowded dormitory rooms became necessary. Despite poor conditions for food, sleeping and studying, they agreed to continue their studies. However, there were things they could not put up with. They could never accept the insecurity on the Institute grounds, the humiliation and the attempts by gangsters from the city of Elbasan, who now seem all-powerful, to abduct the girls at the Institute. It is unacceptable to everyone that the angels of democracy should be subjected to such treatment. It is essential that the Ministry of Public Order and the Elbasan city police officers perform the duty for which they are paid: establish order and set up a police post on the grounds of this Institute, as requested. Otherwise, the police force must be restructured by removing from its ranks the red policemen who have become part of the criminal service. Motivated by the desire to improve the quality of work and authority and strengthen the foundations of Albanian pedagogy, the faculty and student body of this Institute demand that their Institute be granted university status. This status would not only ensure that allocated funds are not siphoned off on their way from the center to the local level, but would also make it possible to establish ties with comparable universities abroad, which to date have rejected the Institute’s requests because they do not recognize it as a peer, basing this solely on the Institute’s name. Finally, granting the Institute university status would put an end to the discrimination under which institutes in the districts are regarded as second-rate. Elbasan, which opened the first pedagogical school in Albania and preserves strong traditions in the field of pedagogy, certainly deserves a university. The students, lecturers and citizens of Elbasan are determined to achieve this. We hope their voice will not fall on deaf ears.

Regarding some rumors that have spread recently, quite compromising for the Socialist Party and its leadership, I decided to ask Comrade Fatos Nano, first secretary—“excuse me, chairman of this party”—for an interview. “Don’t bother,” an acquaintance told me. “Fatos Nano is a politician now. Have you noticed his actor-like joy, that is, his modern-politician manner, the way he walks around in ballrooms? As a boy, he won’t tell you anything more than ZP told you in the interview he gave last Sunday to his close friend of Sulo Gradeci, Comrade Përparim Xhixha. I’ll watch my language, but this interview will still remain.” I was saddened by this warning, because I felt he was right. But I still needed the interview. Not for anything else, but so I could ... [illegible section] ... He came closer and gave me a knowing wink, came closer and winked at me... “Listen,” he said, “get a bottle of that strong stuff, one of Comrade Sulo’s or Comrade Përparim’s (double-distilled, if possible). Not that Comrade Fatos doesn’t drink the poor thing, though he likes it. But there, with the help of a glass of raki, you’ll hear the unheard-of. They don’t say for nothing: what the bar brings out, the drink reveals! Raki brings transparency—no joke!” I was frightened by the Bible: the very first words! And I did exactly as he told me: I bought a bottle, despite the price having passed a hundred per kilo. And Comrade Fatos began to warm up beside that glass of ... And I began asking the first question. First question. In the interview as long as a double bedsheet, printed in tiny type, in Comrade Sulo Gradeci’s interview last Sunday, on the front page, I don’t mean to say ... [cut off] ... our Party of Labour for so long. It left us with our health and also with the mass of non-party sympathizers, who follow the party because it makes them conscious. We could never have attacked the past just like that, all at once. Things are different now. Allow me to quote V. I. Lenin: “concrete analysis of a concrete situation.” Now the state of affairs, that is, the situation, is different. Thanks to the opposition, we have strengthened our position. We can throw the PPSH and Enver himself at them however we like; with the facts uncovered by the opposition, they have been thoroughly discredited—I mean, they have lost credibility among the people. Now we can and must break away from them at all costs. This break, tactical of course, is essential to us under the new conditions, in order to survive—sorry, to live (don’t write “survive,” because if I say survive, they’ll ... [cut off] ...) Straight up, brother, I like being transparent with you. Back then we couldn’t speak any other way, or else there were bullets. The masses were ... [illegible] ... Answer: (nodding and shaking the glass): “Hm, there’s something to that question. But in any case, let that be the question. But in any case, ... [continues on page 2] ... [the following text is only partly visible] ...

... all Albanians, for their present and their future. Modern times call for a contemporary Being in the city of Elbasan, they seem today to wield unlimited power. the Ministry of Public Order and the police officers of the city of Elbasan perform the duty for which they are paid, maintain order, and establish requested. Otherwise, it is necessary to restructure this police force turned into a criminal service. Motivated by the desire to raise the quality of work and authority, and to strengthen the foundations of Albanian pedagogy, the faculty and students of this institute request that their institute be granted university status. This status will not only ensure that the allocated funds are not siphoned off on the way from the center to the grassroots, but will also make it possible to establish ties with equivalent universities abroad, which to date have rejected this institute’s requests because they do not recognize it as their counterpart, judging merely by the institute’s name. Finally, with the granting of university status, our institute will no longer experience the discrimination whereby institutes in the districts are regarded as all alike. a university. The students, faculty, hope their voice will not fall on deaf ears. ROMEO KARAJ

Yesterday at the meeting...

All members of the Concert Association of the National Palace of Culture, the DP associations, and the DP strikers in the Culture Dormitories are hereby informed that an assembly on the implementation of economic reform will be held on 2.11.91 at 10:00 at ... The DP Presidium