The Democratic Party’s deputies’ group and National Council decided: if the demands of the declaration are not met by 3 December 1991, the Democratic Party will leave the Government of National Stability and move into active opposition.

The joint meeting of the deputies’ group and the staff of the Democratic Party’s National Council, at its meeting today, 26 November 1991, found that Albania has entered a general political crisis. The Government of Stability, which six months ago was seen as the only and almost unavoidable political solution, is today on the verge of total failure. The political balance that was supposed to keep the Government of Stability standing has been brutally upset by the conduct of the Socialist Party. This is not a matter of the tacit cooperation involved in so many economic decisions, beginning with the land law and continuing with the recent decisions on the privatization of enterprises. Nor are we referring to the multitude of monist officials who continue to fill the state apparatuses, surrounding and obstructing all the old state structures like a rubber wall, in order to protect them from the blows of the new democratic forces. Rather, this concerns blatant violations of the political coexistence between political forces in a democratic state: the state television being kept under control, despite the open protests of the entire Albanian democratic public and the institution’s own employees, and the continued tenure at its head of a Marxist director appointed unlawfully. Today, trials such as the one in Shkodër, or the investigation into the thefts and abuses committed by the red nomenklatura, have been blocked and are being left to languish. These are the touchstone for a new democratic state. In these two major proceedings, democratic Albania saw the establishment of the foundations of a new state governed by law and hoped they would serve to close a dark page in the country’s history and open the way to national unity. But the Albanian people, profoundly exhausted by the severe economic crisis, are becoming increasingly disillusioned and losing faith in this government and parliament. Under these circumstances, with occult forces directing the Albanian state and the country’s fate at a crossroads, the Democratic Party, mindful of its role as the main opposition force, decided to put the following demands before the Government, Parliament, and the other parties in the government, including the Socialist Party. Meeting them would help unblock the political crisis: 1. Free general elections must be held no later than 23 February 1992. 2. The Shkodër trial must resume, and those responsible for this political crime must be punished. 3. The issue of Albanian Radio and Television must be resolved in accordance with constitutional norms and the Helsinki Charter. 4. The former communist-bloc officials accused of expropriating property at the expense of the Albanian people and state must be arrested. The Democratic Party deputies’ group and National Council decided that if these demands honest and constructive active opposition, in the service of the highest interests of the Albanian people and nation. DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF ALBANIA Tirana, 26 November 1991 Democratic Party Information Office …democratic, which would form a coalition government. But what happened before the government had even been formed? The workers began shouting that the Democrats were chasing after ministerial seats. The truth is that of the seats we received in government, only 40 percent went to Democratic Party leaders, while the rest were given to independent and democratic intellectuals. On the other hand, in this government we took and accepted the most difficult portfolios, such as the economy, construction, finance, trade, etc. We did this to help the country and our suffering people. Our democratic stance and our serious participation in government served Albania greatly. It is an undeniable fact that, thanks to the presence of the Democratic Party and the other opposition parties, the world opened its doors to the Albanian government—indeed, to a degree unmatched by any other communist country. Thus Albania was accepted into the KSB, joined the World Bank and the Bank of London, and received the support of the Group of 24. In other words, our presence in power brought Albania out of the oblivion and isolation into which the communist dictatorship had plunged it. Nevertheless, those holding power misused our democratic construction and our participation in government. They began a campaign to cleanse the people, presenting the govern[?] (Continued on page 2) On Tuesday morning, 26 November, the Democratic Party National Council’s executive meeting was held. Deputies and party office staff also took part. After the opening remarks by Mr. Neritan Ceka, deputy chairman of the Democratic Party’s Governing Commission, the report was read by Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha. Since the Democratic Party’s First National Congress, two more executive meetings have been held, along with meetings, negotiations, and declarations, to analyze and discuss our party’s further position on this issue and, more generally, on our political crisis. A general consensus thus emerged that a change was absolutely necessary, and as soon as possible. (Continued on page 2)

On Tuesday morning, 26 November, the Democratic Party National Council’s executive meeting was held. Deputies and party office staff also took part.

Speech by Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, chairman of the Democratic Party of Albania. We have gathered today on the eve of Flag Day to analyze the grave situation and the profound political and economic crisis that has gripped the country. The sad fact is that Albania has entered a deep political winter. The state is completely paralyzed. The Government of Stability, created several months ago and which we strongly supported both in foreign affairs and in its domestic activities, is not living up to itself, its goals, or the hopes for which it was established. As is known, this government was formed in the final days of the general strike by Albania’s workers. We agreed to take on a great deal of responsibility. The intransigence of the Nano government in refusing to resign and the summoning of mercenaries from several areas were clear evidence of this. Thirdly, the democratic world had closed its doors to the Albanian monist government. We did not want Albania’s hungry children to pay this price; we did not want a country devastated by the communist dictatorship to pay it. leaders, while the rest… [text as printed is incomplete]. With the aim of truly helping our country and our suffering people, our democratic positions and serious participation in power government, Albania was accepted into the KSBË, it. Nevertheless, those holding power… [Beginning cut off] …both in its foreign policy and in its domestic activities, did not justify itself, its aims, or the hopes for which it was created. This government was formed, as is known, in the final days of the general strike of Albania’s workers. We agreed to participate in the government. First, because the country was on the brink of disintegration. Second, to avert the dangerous social confrontation, for which the power-holder co[?]

The Democratic Party Information Office learned from well-informed sources that at yesterday’s meeting of the government with the chairmen of the political parties, the Government stated that it considers the holding of elections essential and needs about three months to implement certain economic measures and hold the elections. Regarding the election date, it was said that it should be determined by the political parties, which at this meeting were unable to set a date acceptable to all sides. At this meeting, the Democratic Party reaffirmed its insistence on the demands in the National Council’s Declaration.

A year ago, the PSSH leadership team organized the last ceremony commemorating the “November Holidays.” The ceremony’s script and choreography were so rigidly standardized that it seemed like a religious ritual dating back to the depths of the centuries, in which every detail was considered sacred and had to be repeated exactly. And this ritual was taking place just a few days before the events of the “Great December.” Since those days, things have changed radically, although the history of democracy is not yet complete. For the first time after so many years of unparalleled dictatorship, we have the opportunity to openly express what we sincerely feel about these holidays, to give them their true value, to give them their true historical, patriotic, and political meaning, and to openly suggest what place these holidays should occupy in the Albanian tradition of the Albanian family. We all feel that the true historical stage, freed from the dictatorship’s ideological control, will make the necessary corrections and express its independent opinion about the true place each of these holidays should occupy in the history of our nation. This clarification [?] also concerns the place that democracy should honor in its 11 rez[?]vojat, for the three main events of its official celebrations. When this our governmental [text unclear] has proceeded in its calm, normal course, when the material living standards of the Albanian family have left today’s poverty behind, the November Holidays will take on a new meaning within the intimate emotional life of the Albanian family. We will not wait for historians and politicians to complete their studies. From today, we must express our profound respect for these holidays, whose foundation is evident. As for the November 28 holiday, there is a long-debated opinion, considered from all sides, that accepts this day as an event of extraordinary historical importance. Although the Albanian state born that day was severely truncated, Ismail Qemali’s government sought the unification of all Albanian lands and included representatives from all Albanian regions in its government. Through these positions, it left the issue of Albanian unification open for a later resolution. After the memorable day of the declaration of Independence in 1912, despite the severe wounds suffered by the Albanian nation, for a long time this day became a source of powerful patriotic inspiration, not only nationally but also within Albanian families. Adults knew it as a fine pretext for speaking to the younger generation about the (unresolved) Albanian question, and about the pride they should SKËNDER KOJA (Continued on page 2)

From the outset, PDSH has declared that it will fight to realize the great pan-national ideals of the unity and democracy of the Albanian nation. This party has also long presented the outlines of its platform for national reconciliation, considering it an indispensable step toward establishing democracy in Albania. Even today, PD believes that its own pioneering idea of taking concrete steps to achieve national reconciliation was, and continues to be, one of its high ideals. But it believes that an undertaking of such great scale and such lofty aims must be prepared carefully, thoughtfully, and prudently by all Albanian political forces. It cannot be resolved through solemn procedures that recall the red façades of the communist regime. Establishing a multilateral dialogue among political forces and Albanian democratic institutions is an indispensable condition for the serious preparation of such an event, which should be held only when its success is guaranteed. In this process, a special role should be played by the victims of the half-century-long divisive policies of the PP in Albania. PD deeply regrets that such a beautiful, momentous, and noble historical ideal as pan-national reconciliation and unity is beginning with such an inadequately studied initiative, which indicates that someone is very interested in gaining political capital, even if only from a few handfuls, rather than truly achieving national reconciliation and unity. Honest, proud intellectuals concerned for the fate of our long-suffering nation may also have joined the initiating group, and this is certainly true of many Albanian figures in Kosovo and the diaspora. But we want to remind you that they are being cynically instrumentalized to toy with the country’s and democracy’s vital interests at this historic moment. We strongly suspect that the initiative in question is inspired by a small core of people seeking to use this act to make a politically profitable move in the interests of today’s communist power-holders. PD declares before all Albanians around the world that well-organized communist forces are using every means to destabilize the country, which is precisely the opposite of what the intellectuals’ “appeal” calls for. Once again, these forces are seeking to bring about division, this time using crocodile tears over that division and blaming its victims. PD and the other opposition forces, together with the other Albanians scattered throughout the world who have fought and dreamed of a democratic Albania, will gather at the Assembly of National Reconciliation only when they are convinced that reconciliation and calm will prevail afterward. PD declares that it will use all its authority and participation to ensure that an assembly for reconciliation is organized at the appropriate time and becomes a magnificent act (not a “festival”) that seals the successful culmination of pan-national reconciliation and unity. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF ALBANIA Tirana, 14.11.1991

PRISHTINË, November 23. [Opening text unclear] the aims of the group of intellectuals who convened the gathering as an assembly with an all-national character. 3. - The Coordinating Council considers full consensus on the platform for the gathering on national reconciliation and unity to be necessary. While supporting the need to prevent any revanchism, we emphasize that care must nevertheless be taken to ensure that the reconciliation initiative is not misused for the purposes of day-to-day politics, and especially that it is not exploited to arbitrarily grant amnesty for political crimes committed in the past that have remained untried. 4. - In our view, the gathering for reconciliation and unity should not be demonstrative and spectacular in character (as planned), but should instead be more work-oriented, so that several fundamental, binding, all-national documents can be produced. 5. - The Coordinating Council welcomes the postponement of the date for holding the Assembly of National Reconciliation and Unity, but does not agree with setting the new date as January 20 either, because the necessary consultations on this and other key issues have not yet been held. The format, date, and place of the gathering for reconciliation and unity can be set only after all relevant parties have stated their positions—that is, all those who must reconcile and unite. 6. - The Coordinating Council will support all initiatives and ideas that contribute to national reconciliation and unity, while also working to put them into practice through concrete political action. [text cut off] 1. - The Coordinating Council considers the idea of organizing a gathering for national reconciliation and unity to be sound and welcome. Calling such a gathering is fully consistent with the programmatic orientations of our parties. Holding a gathering for national reconciliation and unity would be extraordinarily useful at this moment of great historical turning points, which may prove decisive for the fate of the Albanian nation, if it can overcome the existing divisions and internal conflicts and achieve consensus and mobilization around the main national objectives. 2. - The Coordinating Council notes that the way the Assembly of National Reconciliation and Unity was called has created considerable confusion and doubts among the public, which do not benefit the idea of reconciliation and unity. The doubts have arisen especially from the haste in setting the date for the assembly, without the necessary consultations with all relevant parties and without drafting a platform or document that would articulate clearly gathering as an assembly with an all-national character.