MANIFESTO OF A GROUP OF 182 INTELLECTUALS We are accustomed to seeing this impassioned appeal written on the pages of schoolbooks or scholarly books, in which the histories of the peoples of the world are recounted. Repeated over the centuries in different places and at different times, it was issued, as a rule, either by sovereigns or by republicans, at moments when the homeland faced an external danger. History teaches us, however, that internal wars, without front lines or trenches, have sometimes brought peoples greater damage and tragedy than any foreign invasion. The long-running internal conflicts in Latin America, Asia and, recently, in the former Soviet republics and those of the former Yugoslavia, bear witness to this fact. Is Albanian society today facing the danger of grave, explosive tensions, or is concern about such a danger unfounded and used only as a means of pressure to frighten people for specific electoral purposes? A dispassionate analysis, free of partisan passions, shows that on the eve of the elections our country has accumulated all the political, social and economic elements needed for an explosive «mixture» on a nationwide scale. The question is whether we will strike the detonating spark in this «mixture» in Albania, or—[text cut off]—OR ORDER, CALM AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS, — OR CHAOS, ANARCHY AND SEVERE POLITICAL-SOCIAL CONFLICTS. Here are our arguments in support of the prediction above: 1. It is true that in countries with democratic traditions, the result expressed through elections is accepted and respected by everyone, but this cannot be said or expected in a country where a harsh dictatorship created a deep gulf between the political consciousness of the city and that of the countryside, which was expressed in the elections of 31 March. 2. The city’s disappointment with the countryside’s political choice after 31 March almost led to tragic political conflicts. If this did not happen, it was thanks to the opposition, which urged citizens to be patient, on the one hand, and to place their hopes in new, early elections, on the other. 3. In any country where power is established through elections, a two-thirds parliamentary victory by one party would ensure its longevity and stability and make it fully responsible for everything that happens within the borders of the country it governs. If this did not happen with the victorious Labour Party government, it means that the results of 31 March did not express the will of the most conscious part of the people, the politically most active part, concentrated in the cities. 4. The evolution of the victorious party itself, its change of name and program, and the convergence of its program with that of the opposition, show that the opposition had the great historical merit not only of anticipating the path the country would have to take, but also of having the courage to lead the democratic processes, not without risks. It—the TRUE DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION—therefore has the moral right to demand that it emerge victorious in [text cut off]. 5. The transformations we are experiencing are so profound that we are right to call and treat them as revolutionary. History teaches us that all victorious revolutionary movements began in the cities; that the city was their locomotive; and that the countryside followed them belatedly. In light of these undeniable historical facts, no political force has the moral right to exploit the countryside’s political inertia and use it to remain in power, disregarding the grave consequences this stubborn insistence could have for the country’s future, because no government can govern without the support of the city. 6. There is every reason to believe that major changes have taken place this year in the political awareness of the peasant, moving it toward emancipation. His traditional patriotism is being rekindled; it was the spiritual foundation of our peasant’s participation in armed movements for freedom, both during the Turkish period and in the last war against the occupier. But if, to the great misfortune of this country, the present chaotic situation is exploited by the forces now in power and presented to the peasantry as—[text cut off] Can we take seriously its promises that, once it wins the election, it will establish order and calm? Why has it not established the order it promises until now, even though it holds absolute power over the legislative, executive and judicial branches? Wouldn’t doing so be proof of its strength and the best electoral propaganda in its favor? The debates about whether or not there are clandestine forces devising or implementing scenarios are not of great importance to us. The indisputable fact is that: THE REALITY IS SO GLOOMY THAT IT COULD HARDLY BE WORSE. AS EVERYWHERE IN THE DEMOCRATIC WORLD, THOSE WHO HOLD POWER MUST BEAR RESPONSIBILITY FOR THIS REALITY. With our manifesto, we: First, address the entire people, urging them not to repeat the mistake of 31 March, but to vote for the opposition. We address the younger generation in particular: remain consistent in your role as the vanguard of the movement for democracy and become the spirit of the campaign for the opposition’s victory. By voting for the opposition, you will bring to power a new government that [text cut off] ...socialists, honest ones, at the grassroots or in the leading bodies, to reconcile themselves to the idea of moving into a constructive opposition, which the country needs in order to protect itself from the degeneration of any group of governing politicians. They should put an end to the current propaganda in the socialist press, which has taken an entirely offensive and illogical direction, and replace it with calm propaganda that would present the party’s plans and programs under the conditions of opposition. This would immediately reduce the existing political tensions, calm the entire election campaign and create real conditions for the election results to be accepted peacefully. WE, the intellectuals listed below, would wholeheartedly wish that the socialist leadership included genuine men, genuine patriots, who would solemnly declare their intention to move into a constructive opposition, allowing today’s opposition to put its governing abilities to the test. THIS WOULD BE A HISTORIC GESTURE! The forces that would lead this gesture would enter history [text cut off]

So how should we understand the great insistence expressed by this party, through its press and leaders, on winning again? In the second half of last year it had been forecast that armed movements for freedom, both in Kosovo and Turkey as well as were the peasantry as a consequence of democracy; if the peasantry fell into this trap and with its vote handed power once again to those who brought the country to this state, then the country would face a long period of economic hardship and political unrest, from which nobody would emerge victorious. In all likelihood, the urban population, which on 1 April 1991 was deeply persuaded by the opposition on matters of principle, because of the trust and authority its word commanded, may not show the same conviction this time. The events of recent days are the first signs of such a possibility. will strike the detonating spark in this «mixture», or pour water on the fire. The widespread view is that the free will of the people, which will be expressed in the 22 March elections, will resolve the deep crisis; that respecting this will is the golden key to resolving the crisis. If that were so, we would all sleep soundly and await these elections together with a resolution of the crisis. But an objective analysis of the events we are experiencing and the facts we are observing shows that the 22 March elections do not, in themselves, imply an automatic resolution of the crisis, independent of the election result. On the contrary, we are deeply convinced that: - IT DEPENDS on the result of the in demand that it emerge victorious in For example, in Pogradec, [text cut off]

The figures who would lead this gesture would enter history. Withdrawal, when the country’s interests demand it, is true heroism. An assault, when it wounds the country, is a criminal act. We are not calling on the socialists to admit defeat in a duel, but inviting them to reconciliation, to avoid the duel and step back fraternally. One thing is certain. The noble withdrawal we propose would create the strongest moral basis for the unity and reconciliation of all those strata and groups that today feel themselves to be enemies. With this, we would all win! Albania and the entire community of Albanians around the world would win!

A dispassionate analysis, free of partisan passions, shows that on the eve of the elections our country has accumulated all the political, social and economic elements needed for an explosive «mixture» on a nationwide scale.

For example, in Pogradec, [text cut off]

On 11 March 1992, the newspaper «Zëri i Popullit» published an open letter, «Do not listen to that voice... it is the voice of division», which says, among other things: «Dear Intellectuals! Tell the people the truth. Do not lose your bearings; be measured. You are the leaders of true democracy in Albania. In these difficult moments, more than ever, the people need you.» In response to the appeal by the organ of the Socialist Party, we are publishing the following manifesto.

1. Bajram Preza 2. Bedri Dedja 3. Besim Daja 4. Petrit Gace 5. Selaudin Bekteshi 6. Teki Bicoku 7. Ylli Popa PROFESSORS 8. Agim Popa 9. Bujar Hoxha 10. Fehmi Shehu 11. Pandeli Cina 12. Koço Glozhëni 13. Panajot Boga 14. Petraq Petro 15. Selim Islami 16. Shefqet Ndoqi 17. Viron Kola DOK., DOC. B.V.SH., K.Sh. 18. Afrim Tabaku K.Sh. Head of lab. 19. Adrian Shehu K.Sh. 20. Agim Berdalla Docent 21. Agim Budo K.Sh. 22. Agim Karcanaj Doc. Head of dep. 23. Agim Shehu Docent 24. Ahile Kero K.Sh. Head of lab. 25. Arben Dushi K.Sh. 26. Arben Santo Doc. Head of dep. 27. Arben Tashko Doc. Dean of faculty 28. Arfan Buda Doc. 29. Alfred Priftani, K.Sh. 30. Agron Lufi Doc. 31. Angjelin Shjefni K.Sh. 32. Baftjar Nevruzi K.Sh. Deputy Dir. 33. Bashkim Resuli Doc. Head of clinic 34. Bedri Byluku K.Sh. 35. Besnik Gjongecaj K.Sh. 36. Eduart Gjika K.Sh. 37. Burhan Cela Doc. 38. Durim Bebeci Doc. 39. Enver Faja, Doc. Chief Architect 40. Esat Emiri Doc. 41. Fatos Adami K.Sh. 42. Fatos Harito K.Sh. 43. Fatos Klosi Doc. Head of dep. 44. Fatmir Elmazi K.Sh. 45. Fedhon Meksi K.Sh. 46. Flamur Zela Doc. 47. Frida Shahini K.Sh. 48. Gëzim Haxhari K.Sh. Head of dep. 49. Gëzim Mukli Doc. 50. Gëzim Pepi Dr. 51. Gjergj Causi K.Sh. 52. Hasan Karagjozi Doc. 53. Hysen Agolli Doc. 54. Ilo Mele K.Sh. 55. Ismail Demneri Doc. 56. Ismail Sulo K.Sh. 57. Isuf Reçi Doc. 58. Isuf Sukaj Doc. 59. Jakup Agalliu Doc. Deputy Dean 60. Jani Teta K.Sh. 61. Jolanda Koçi K.Sh. 62. Kasem Bokshi Doc. 63. Kostë Koçi Doc. Head of department 64. Kudret Velça Dr. 65. Kristo Pano Doc. 66. Luan Karçanaj B: V. Sh. 67. Lugji Gjoka K. sh. 68. Llazar Xhajanka B: V: Sh. 69. Mahmut Shushku K. Sh. 70. Maks Cikuli K. Sh: 71. Mehdi Agolli Doc. 72. Mentor Petrela K. Sh. 73. Muharrem Dragova Doc. 74. Muharrem Seseri Doc. 75. Mihal Prifti K. Sh. 76. Murat Manehasa Dr. 77. Myzafer Cela Doc. 78. Nikollaq Koçani K. Sh. 79. Nestor Therecka Doc. 80. Nikolla Qafoku K.sh. 81. Nikolla Verdha Doc. 82. Petraq Marango K. Sh. 83. Petraq Marango K: Sh: 84. Pëllumb Çarçani B. V. Sh. 85. Petrit Barani K. sh. 86. Petraq Xhacka Dr. 87. Petrit Rama Dr. 88. Petrit Dodhiba K. Sh. 89. Petraq Vasili Doc. 90. Pirro Veizi K. Sh. Head of dep. 91. Pjerin Preka K. Sh. Head of dep. 92. Pal Xhumari K: Sh: 93. Pëllumb Karagjozi Doc. 94. Pjerin Radovani K. sh. 95. Qemal Mandia Doc. 96. Qevqep Kambo Doc. 97. Rajmond Sharko K. sh. 98. Rajmond Ikonomi B. V. Sh. 99. Rahmi Korbi Doc. Dean of faculty 100. Ramiz Topi K. sh. 100. Robert Magapi K: sh: 101. Roland Pinguli Doc. 102. Sefedin Xhemalçe Doc. 103. Sotir Rrapo K.sh. 104. Sul Kodra Doc. 105. Sulejman Zhguli Dr. 106. Skënder Durrësi Dr. 107. Skënder Malja B. V. Sh. 108. Skënder Koja Doc. 109. Skënder Xhiku Doc. 110. Spiro Boci Doc. 111. Spiro Duka Doc. 112. Shyqyri Subashi Doc. 113. Taqo Adami B. V. Sh. 114. Tatjana Dishnica K. sh. 115. Tatjana Harito K. sh. 116. Vladimir Spaho K. sh. 117. Ylli Bujati K. sh. 118. Ylli Kolonja Doc. 119. Thoma Kristo Dr. INTELLECTUALS IN ART AND CULTURE 120. Ali Abdihoxha Writer 121. Arben Kallamata Journalist 122. Ali Oskeu Painter 123. Andrea Varfi Writer 124. Alush Shima Painter 125. Agim Qirjako Actor 126. Agim Zajmi Painter 127. Alfred Bualoti Actor 128. Ahmet Pashu Actor 129. Artan Seja Actor 130. Bashkim Ahmeti Painter 131. Bashkim Dervishi Painter 132. Englantina Mandia Writer 133. Edi Hila Painter 134. Fatos Kola Sculptor 135. Gazmend Leka Painter 136. Hektor Pustina Sound operations assistant 137. Kin Dushi Writer 138. Kujtim Çashku Director 139. Kol Jakova Writer 140. Leka Bungo Director 141. Llazar Siliqi Writer 142. Mehmet Elezi Journalist 143. Mërkur Bozgo Actor 144. Miltiadh Kutali Art educator 145. Neshat Tozaj Writer 146. Niko Progra Painter 147. Naxhi Bakalli Painter 148. Ndriçim Xhepa Actor 149. Ramadan Sokoli Musicologist 150. Rikard Ljarja Director 151. Talant Pustina Painter 152. Tefik Çaushi Researcher 153. Vehbi Skënderi Writer 154. Vasian Lame Actor WELL-KNOWN INTELLECTUALS IN INDUSTRY AND OTHER FIELDS 155. Ana Kolevica Lecturer 156. Anastas Suli Psychiatrist 157. Argjend Tafaj Clinic manager 158. Ardian Muço Lecturer 159. Bedri Myderizi Doctor 160. Elmaz Çoçoli Doctor 161. Evan Koco Lecturer 162. Enis Buletini Biochemist 163. Fatos Haxhiaj Biochemist 164. Gëzim Kallçiu Chief Engineer 166. Grigor Gjika Lawyer 165. Gazmend Velçani Surgeon 167. Gjergj Minga Head of laboratory 168. Idajet Çoçoli Lecturer 169. Idajet Farka Factory director 170. Kristaq Luarasi Eng. Min. Ek. 171. Mihal Haxhari Former director 172. Mihal Hobdari Engineer 173. Mihal Tase Doctor, head of service 174. Mirush Strazimi Engineer 175. Muzafer Janina Cardiologist 176. Pavllo Koja Lecturer 177. Niko Leka Lecturer 178. Sami Manehasa Eng. Min. Ek. 179. Sezai Disha Engineer 180. Sitki Bushati Doctor 181. Vita Adami Engineer 182. Zija Shkodra Historian NOTE: The group assigned to arrange alphabetically the names of the signatories of the manifesto of 182 intellectuals, because of mix-ups, left out the following names. We apologize: 1) Besim Elezi Prof., head of department 2) Manol Konomi lawyer 3) Myslim Islami Doc., director of music 4) Spiro Qirko Prof., cardiologist 5) Veli Zogu Dr., cardiologist and surgeon