On 15.5.1992, the chairman of the DP, Mr. Eduard Selami, received in his office Mr. Xhek Binker, head of the delegation of the American Republican Institute. During the meeting, they discussed the establishment of bilateral relations, the party’s role and activities following its victories in the 22 March elections, as well as local government elections. The meeting took place in a warm and friendly atmosphere. On 16.5.1992, the chairman of the DP, Mr. Eduard Selami, received in his office the Turkish ambassador accredited to the Republic of Albania, Mr. Metin Ornal. During the meeting, views were exchanged on various issues concerning developments between the two countries and more broadly, about which both sides had hopes. Also on 16.5.1992, the chairman of the DP received in his office, for a working visit, the ambassador of Hungary accredited to the Republic of Albania, Mr. Ferenc Poka. DP Information Office

On 23.11, the University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, awarded Dr. Gvoz Pashko the title of Honorary Professor. The dean’s office and the staff of the heads of departments at the Strathclyde School of Economics, having considered and assessed Dr. Graz Pashko’s scholarly and teaching interests, decided to grant him the right to be an Honorary Professor, also specifying the preliminary teaching appointment for the year, from May 1992 to September 1994, to give lectures!

Visit by President Sali Berisha to the city of Kavaja ... On 16 May, the President of the Republic of Albania, Mr. Sali Berisha, visited the city of Kavaja. On this occasion, a rally was held in the city. In his speech at the rally, Mr. Berisha addressed the new economic policy being pursued by the Democratic government and, among many issues, argued for the necessity of abolishing the 80-percent scheme. Among other things, he said: “By abolishing the 80 percent, our first aim is to get people back to work; we aim to show the world and Europe that Albanians are hardworking, that they have shed much sweat and have gained nothing, but that in a democratic society they will work and prosper. Meanwhile, by abolishing the 80 percent, we will protect all those who will be left without work because some enterprises are not functioning, since we will establish social assistance, a democratic, humane law applied in all democratic countries. I have believed,” President Berisha continued, “that all honest people, all democratic forces, have understood and correctly understand the abolition of this law inherited from the dictatorship. I have complete confidence that none of those who understand these reforms intends to build a democratic Albania through the 80-percent law and preserve it. On the other hand, I want to assure you that all those who are left without work will have a guaranteed subsistence minimum, and the democratic state will provide it, the democratic government will provide it. “We are determined to move forward with reform,” Mr. Berisha went on to say. “We will not back down and let Albania suffer. We will safeguard the prospects for agriculture, oil, sugar, soap, energy, and rice. Given our conditions and difficulties, these products will not be removed from the basket.” Then the President explained to those present the new changes the government would make concerning them, following the measures taken during this period of transition in the lives of the people and the poor Albanian state. The President went on to explain to the electorate the decision to remove from the Martyrs’ Cemetery seven generations of those who were not martyrs but died in bed. They did not deserve to rest in the same place as the martyrs of the nation. This decision was made to honor the martyrs. ... and in the district of Shkodër On 17 April, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, went to the district of Shkodër. At the border between the districts of Lezhë and Shkodër, the President was met by the chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Pietër Arbnori; the deputy chairman of the Democratic Party and chairman of the DP parliamentary group, Ali Spahiu; deputy Shyqëri Cela; the chairman of the district Executive Committee, Fatos Gjyzeli; and others. The first visit by the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, and those accompanying him was to the village of Bratosh in Malësia e Madhe, to the home of the highlander Nikoll Gjergji Shota, who had given the blood of his 24-year-old son, Dedë Shotaj. President Sali Berisha congratulated Nikoll on his magnificent act. “You,” the President told him, “have sent a powerful message to all of Albania. I have come to honor you, because all Albania honors you.” Thus, the President continued, he had indeed achieved blood-feud reconciliation, but the reason was not only that it was in Serbia; this happened because Albanians are noble-hearted and brave enough to forgive. The law is the law, and the competent bodies will make that decision in accordance with the law. Therefore, they will not obstruct the implementation of the law. During his visit to the district of Shkodër, President Berisha also met with military personnel of the «Tala-rabosh» garrison. After the force was presented, the Commander-in-Chief of our Armed Forces, Sali Berisha, spoke and congratulated the army on the proper and dignified stance it had maintained during the development and consolidation of democratic processes. This, he stressed, had been an important factor in democracy’s victory here. The difficult years under the dictatorship were suffered by the entire Albanian people, but the army also suffered, and the military bore the consequences. You are seeing this; all efforts are being made to raise the prestige of military personnel. The introduction of ranks, the achievement of military status, the creation of (Continued on page 4)

On 19.5.1992, the capital’s teachers held a one-day strike over economic demands. What is the reason the strike was to take place only a few weeks after the democratic government was appointed and only a few weeks before the school year ended? At the “Jerom De Rada” school, teachers offered these explanations: The independent trade unions address their demands to the government. The government replied that it would examine these demands starting on 20 May. The unions decided to strike precisely one day earlier, on 19 May, both as a reminder and as a pressure measure against the government. What is the aim, to give the government some time? — We know, but that is the unions’ role. We are holding only a strike over economic demands, not political ones at all; the government is ours. HOW DOES THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION VIEW THE STRIKE? We met with the ministers, Mr. Vasilag Zoto and Mr. Ylli Pango. The teachers’ demands are justified. Attention must be paid to teachers. Education concerns children, and children are the country’s future. Regardless of the unions, we, as a ministry, have presented our teachers’ demands to the government. The government agrees that the demands are justified. Measures must definitely be taken to reduce wage differences, because 1% of intellectuals exist who perhaps are not feeling it today, but will feel it very much tomorrow. Teachers’ salaries are the lowest among budget-funded institutions. THE REASONS FOR THE STRIKE, ACCORDING TO TEACHERS’ OPINIONS We met teachers from various schools. We know that the government is new: Our strike is a strike with purely economic demands (everyone emphasizes this, as if afraid of a misunderstanding). ● Nevertheless, we thought it right to support this strike because we feel insulted by Mr. Meksi’s government? Don’t we have the right to support it when electricity rates are increased, while they demand cuts in electricity, work and postal services because postal services have been interrupted, etc.? ● We are aware that the quality of schools has seriously declined; this is not the place to list the causes, but we do ask that emergency measures be taken urgently, showing that the government cares and that we too can afford the cost of living. ● I am holding this strike not so much against the government as to prompt it to take the necessary measures more quickly. ● I think this is largely a game by the teachers’ federations. Not that the demands are unjustified, but I question the way they are being presented. The Ministry is calling for a strike, the federation is asking for deadlines. Regardless of the salary, these are also quality issues. They destroyed the country for 50 years and expect the democratic government to fix it in 50 days. VERA ISAI

What is happening with the investigations against the former leaders? Arrest by chance or deliberate ...? Anyone who tramples on the laws also deserves their punishment. In its Friday issue of 15 May, «ZP», instead of its lead article, publishes an appeal addressed to the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, calling on him to show determination and enforce the law through punishment. This is a nationwide demand, which we believe the President regards as the trust placed in him by tens of thousands of the dead and three million living people, innocent victims of the nearly half-century-long Enverist dictatorship, which trampled on the law in an absurd and inhuman manner. «ZP» calls for honesty, but even in those 20 lines of appeal, complaints about a lack of transparency, hypocrisy and demagoguery are expressed. The painful event of 2 April 1991 in Shkodër is recalled, but sympathy is expressed for the police officers who have been held in custody for a year. They call for the killers of the electrician Bruno Sula to be found too, although it is well known that the direct perpetrator of the crime was killed before being fully identified, when he could also have been captured alive. Could it be that he needed to be silenced? Anyway, let bygones be bygones, although these and other crimes of dead or living Communist-Socialist criminals have not vanished into thin air. We are also often struck by the fact that «ZP» forgets to ask the President to show determination in applying the law to the former bloc leaders as well: both the five who are in prison and their comrades and other individuals who are free. Naturally, this forgetfulness is not the result of the author’s oversight or ignorance. Although they want to convince us they have no connection with them or their party, and that they are journalists, Socialists cannot bring themselves, in either heart or hand, to pull out a single hair or a bad molar of theirs. This is understandable. They owe a great deal for everything they gained and for the new generations in the world; they polished up their kings for us. Could Fat and Naxonia have risen on this Albanian Olympus if Nexhmi and Hoxha, together with Ramiz Alia, had not catapulted them there? But even if they have sold themselves, «ZP» and the SP may forget them; we certainly cannot, and an entire people cannot forget them. For 46 years they played with the laws like children with an electric toy, working at the post offices because postal services kept being interrupted, etc. [text unclear] Let us say at last that the time has come for them to find out and understand that whoever plays with the law will sooner or later receive the punishment they deserve. This is in no way an expression of revenge, reprisal, or a new class war. Unlike them, we will neither remove nor add anything to the laws. With this in mind, a few days ago we made inquiries at the General Investigation Directorate about the investigation into the arrested former bloc leaders: Nexhmije Hoxha, Manush Myftiu, Rita Marko, Qirjako Mihali, Hekuran Isai, as well as their comrades who are still free. According to the information given to us by investigator Bej Kokoçi, who was assigned to the investigation into Nexhmije Hoxha, the activities of the former bloc leaders have been examined only for the period 1985–1990. The prepared files were submitted to the court to begin the trials. But afterwards came the order that the investigations should cover the period 1956–1990. This major extension of the period requires the State Audit to undertake a much greater volume of work. We are entitled to do a little arithmetic too. Investigating a five-year period took around half a year; would a 30-year period require six times as long? According to this calculation, our former bloc leaders would be tried after three years. That is a long, torturous time, first of all for them, but also for us. Given the age and health of some of them, three years is a long time. God forbid, they may leave us in good health, flying off to the eternal world or somewhere else. Then the dust of time could cover many things, leave some mysteries undiscovered forever, and make their trials entirely out of date. Thus, quite naturally, a long-held desire of ours is rekindled, one that does not arise from personal vengeance or reprisal. We understand the trial against them as a political trial against the 47-year-long reign of mass anti-Albanian genocide by Enver Hoxha and his closest collaborators, against the P.K., PP or PS, against their dictatorship, the cruelest and most absurd in the history of dictatorships... The people have been waiting a long time; when will the bloc leaders go on trial? Ali would like to see them all together. But even though the imprisoned bloc leaders are being tormented as if by a pain in the brain and heart, longing for their comrades and wishing to hold at least one meeting—even a meeting of the Political Bureau with comrade Ramiz Alia at its head—to make historic decisions and give the people their «program of salvation», just as they did for 46 years, the courts must not grant them this wish. All the more so because they have been written off like a candle, to bring all our decades to a close. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

DECISION on granting transitional unemployment payment Pursuant to Decree No. 183, dated 18.5.1992, the Council of Ministers decided: 1. For the period May–June, a transitional unemployment payment shall be granted to employees who have been laid off and are unemployed. Employees who have been placed in other jobs or have left the enterprise shall not benefit from this payment. 2. During this period, state enterprises and institutions shall review their economic and financial activity programs, improving the production structure in accordance with conditions and determining measures for starting work in each of their units. 3. After 1 July 1992, employees who lose their jobs as a result of the restructuring of an enterprise’s activity shall terminate their employment relationships and be treated under the law “On social support for those who become unemployed as a result of the implementation of economic reform.” 4. The funds for transitional unemployment payments shall be covered by the state budget. During the first half of May 1992, the entire fund currently distributed to employees paid at 80 percent shall be covered. During the second half of May 1992, 10 percent less than during the first half of this month shall be distributed. During the subsequent half-month periods, through 30 June, the amount distributed in the preceding half-month period shall be used, always deducting the same absorbing amount that was deducted from the first half of May in the second half of that month. The amount of this payment for each employee shall depend on the total number of employees the enterprise will compensate from the transitional unemployment payment fund, but in no case may it exceed 80 percent of the basic wage. 5. Ministries and central institutions shall determine, for each enterprise and institution within their systems, the wage fund used in the second half of April 1992, and shall monitor the proper use of the fund and ensure the correct calculation of the transitional unemployment payment fund. 6. Domestic or foreign private employers are required, by 26 May 1992, to submit to the employment offices of the executive committees of the districts and regions nominal lists of their employees. 7. Employees who have been paid at 80 percent or continue to receive a transitional unemployment payment from their employment centers, if it is established that during the same period and within normal working hours they were employed by private employers, are required to repay the amounts received from the employment center through deductions from the wages they actually receive. Employees who, after this decision is issued, do not terminate their employment relationship with one of the aforementioned employers shall be reported for criminal prosecution. 8. Violation of the rules set out in this decision by state or private employers, where no criminal act has been committed, shall be punished as an administrative offense by the head of the district or regional employment and social support office, with a fine of up to 1,000 lekë. An appeal against the penalty decision may be lodged within 5 days from the date of notification with the chairman of the Executive Committee of the district or region; that decision shall be final. This decision enters into force immediately. CHAIRMAN OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS ALEKSANDËR MEKSI Tirana, 19.5.1992