As is becoming clear, the PS has launched a frontal assault, with all its fanfare, using every means, method and weapon, inherited or new, to make our path toward stabilizing the country, recovery and progress, and the full implementation of the program and democratic reforms in politics and the economy as difficult—indeed, impossible—as it can. It wants to cut short the days of Mr. Meksi's government, make it seasonal, and do the same to the victories we achieved on March 22. Its new and old commissars, armed with 50 years' experience in demagoguery and manipulation, as well as the far-sighted lessons of comrade Fatos Nano, weave a giant spider's web in the dark like bats, or in hideouts like underground operatives, in which they want to ensnare the people and democracy. They are setting up new organizations or cells, even where democracy's broom swept away the previous ones and where, by law, no party should operate. While we, as the PD, have moved into neighborhoods, the PS is setting up its organizations in production centers and government departments. It has done so, for example, in Tirana, at the Tractor Combine, the Mechanical Plant that once bore the dictator's name, the “Dajti” plant, and elsewhere. According to a scenario drawn up by old masters of stagecraft, their “historic mission” will be to destroy the few enterprises or workshops that have survived earlier waves of communist-socialist typhoons, so that they can never resume work; to incite and spread strikes, even to the point of causing a government crisis and new elections, and so on. There are indications that Enver and Nexhmije's sons and daughters, as well as some offspring of other former members of the Bloc, have joined the socialist ranks. After protests in writing and by word of mouth, they have also launched “revolutionary actions.” In this uprising they are trying to exploit inherited or new hardships, the economic crisis, inflation, the runaway rise in prices, and the impatience of a people demanding and expecting a very rapid turnaround. But how are our branches and sections responding? Many of them remain gripped by the euphoria of the March 22 victory and are showing themselves, surprisingly, to be complacent and inactive. In Durrës, for example, the PS has managed to inspire and set off several strikes, whose political purpose is easy to see, but the counteraction by the PD branch in that district has been minimal. Even in the enterprises—there are no longer sections there, but many PD members and supporters work in them—people could have prevented and paralyzed the destructive actions of the PS's extremist, unreformed forces, and won over those who are wavering or inclined to become involved out of strong conviction in the PS's interests. If they feel unable to carry out this task themselves, they could inform the branch leadership and ask for help. This lack of full mobilization can also be seen in other branches, such as those in Tirana, Shkodër, Krujë, Elbasan, Berat, Fier, Lezhë, Kavajë, and elsewhere. Signs of this unjustifiable state of affairs, which could cost us dearly, also include shortcomings and weaknesses in discipline— (Continued on page 2)

Visit by President Gligorov to Albania The President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, received at his residence the President of the Republic of Macedonia, Mr. Kiro Gligorov, and his entourage. President Berisha expressed his pleasure at the visit, welcomed his guest and stated: “Historically, our two countries have always known how to find common ground and help one another, even in earlier times when democratic principles did not exist, but the principles of good neighborliness did. Today, the principles of democracy help bring our two countries even closer. I have followed developments in your country with great interest, and I am very pleased that Macedonia has managed to preserve the balance. But I want to assure you that, even before the other republics were recognized, I insisted everywhere that an independent Macedonian state is a condition for stability in the Balkans.” Mr. Gligorov thanked President Berisha for his hospitality, expressed his pleasure at being in Tirana and, among other things, said: “I had eagerly awaited the election results and, when we learned that [the situation?] had a decisive result, we said that it had turned a page in the old history of the Balkans, and that this is a very important event for the new cooperation we have today.” President Berisha said that, in this context, we should strive to create a democratic space stretching from the Adriatic to the Black Sea. He also stressed the determination and commitment to economic cooperation in all fields (the Via Egnatia, transport, ports). Mr. Berisha then turned to the problems of the Albanian community living in Macedonia. “Albanians in Macedonia should be a factor of stability for the Macedonian state.” He called for Albanians in Macedonia to be recognized as a state-forming element and to be fully integrated into the state of the Republic of Macedonia with full rights, including by considering the possibility of amending the Constitution, which should enshrine equality of rights for the Albanian community. After speaking about the new democratic government of Albania's position toward minorities, Mr. Berisha called for Albanians in Macedonia to have broader opportunities to be educated in their own language and for Albanian-language broadcasts to have a greater presence on Macedonian radio stations. President Berisha expressed Albania's position on Kosovo, noting that, before Helsinki, it had been a constituent part of Yugoslavia, and called for Rugova to be included in the conference of talks on Yugoslavia. President Gligorov, for his part, stressed that Macedonia is the homeland of all its citizens. All citizens will be equal, and this can be achieved through tolerance and patience. The Macedonian people and the Albanian community will live together in full equality. He then agreed with the issues concerning the community raised by President Berisha, but stressed that greater and freer movement of people between the two countries would be beneficial. It was also agreed that the question of abolishing visas for Albanian and Macedonian citizens should be studied as soon as possible. As for the Kosovo issue, he agreed with President Berisha and said that the Yugoslav crisis cannot be resolved without Kosovo. Kosovo must take the place that is rightfully its own. ★ ★ The Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Albania, Dr. Aleksandër Meksi, received at the Prime Minister's Office and his entourage. The Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Agriculture and Food, Mr. Rexhep Uka, was also present. Prime Minister Meksi, after welcoming him to Albania, spoke about the good-neighborly relations between Albania and Macedonia. He stressed the need to strengthen cooperation in the political, economic and human spheres so that it serves mutual interests and benefits bilateral relations in the future. Speaking about opportunities for cooperation between the two countries, he mentioned areas for expanding relations in industry and agri- (Continued on page ...) The number of enterprises resuming work is increasing

“[?],” nostalgia for regional revanchism

According to information from Engjëll Jaho, a specialist in the industry section of the pluralist Executive Committee of the Durrës district, other enterprises are following the example of the first enterprises that resumed production, although the supply of raw materials is neither sufficient nor regular. Thus, for the past three weeks, the Electrode Plant, the Furniture Factory, URT, the foundry at UMB, the bar line at the Pesticide Plant, and the Plastics Plant have been partially operating. Efforts are being made to enable NPV in Durrës and Shijak to resume work soon, with the help of raw-material supplies and orders from the European Community. These results also stem from the persistent efforts of the managers of these enterprises, who, instead of waiting for everything to be resolved and delivered by the government, have taken the initiative and acted on their own to secure raw materials locally or abroad, or to find markets for their products. But both in Durrës and throughout the country, many managers continue to keep their eyes on the branch office, the qidlli and the telephone. RD correspondent

As announced by the Press and Information Office at the Presidency, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, acting under Article 28 of the law “On the Main Constitutional Provisions,” awards the “Nënë Tereza” Order to: 1) Petrit Haxhi Llafiu (posthumously) 2) Zef Margjinaj (posthumously) 3) Xhon Artur 4) Bas Solanë 5) Bill Hamilton 6) Xhon Van Venen. Present at the ceremony were the Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly, Pjetër Arbnori; Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi; Minister of Health Tritan Shehu; Minister of Education Ylli Vejsiu; members of parliament from all parliamentary groups, and others. Also present was the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Italy to the Republic of Albania, Torkuato Kardili.

The failure of the Democratic Revolution of June 1924 was driven into Fan Noli’s mind like a nail. A literary and artistic creator, he has from time to time found the time to analyze the causes and the internal and external factors that smothered the first flowering of democracy in Albania after just six months. From this analysis, he has objectively identified those responsible and his own mistakes, which, to make his downfall even greater, he calls sins. SINS THAT CAN BE WASHED AWAY IN HELL. That is how he describes his serious mistakes. In this group, he includes as his first sin his inability to create a staff of democratic and patriotic leaders, strong-hearted, capable and honest. At the time, Noli had people around him who met these requirements, indeed, the basic requirements for a statesman. Naturally, Pop from the ranks, perhaps because of his appearance, his weakness or waning faith, his lack of governing experience, or because he was more of a reformist than a radical, Noli surrounded himself with a bunch of pseudo-democrats, or seasonal democrats, whom, unfortunately, he trusted far more than they deserved. He judged them by their fine words and declarations, not by concrete actions, by what they did openly or behind the scenes. Another sin that Noli thought he might wash away in hell was his inability to intrigue. Noli, who had translated Shakespeare’s masterpieces, full of cruel schemers and macabre intrigues, was an idealist in his own real life and did not know the people of real Albanian life well or deeply. He was Othello, Hamlet and Brutus before the Jagos, Laertes and Luc Pellavës who surrounded him. When Noli saw the smoke and flames (Continued on page 2)

«ZP» stirs up regionalist revanchism. Lawbreakers find a platform in «ZP»! A 300-kilometer straight-line distance from North to South, half as much from East to West! The dimensions of a point on the globe. And yet division keeps knocking, whether homegrown or foreign, and Albania, unwillingly, keeps proving its uniqueness again and again. Now we are amazed by the world, and «ZP» hopes that division and discord under the new, democratic government can be brought to an end; that the world, too, has North–South problems (!); that the world, too, is realizing that democracy in Albania is being trampled because the North is seizing the power that until yesterday belonged to the South, and that... one half of the point is consuming the other half! Whose has the state been? The South’s, says «ZP» with ninety-percent certainty, since it admits that suspicion has now arisen that the state is becoming the North’s! The reality is undoubtedly something else: the state and power, since they were not the North’s, were not the South’s either. Enver Hoxha, Mehmet Shehu and Hysni Kapoja do not constitute the South of Albania. Otherwise, one would have to accept that the power they exercised was, at least, the will of half the country—and that is no small thing (!). Even this half-truth is not true because, before communist class violence was exercised in the North, it was first exercised in the South, incomparably more fiercely. Certain families abandoned their villages, “for reasons of state,” and populated Tirana; that is, they crossed geographically into the other half of the Albanian point. How should we henceforth regard these representatives of the South?! Mr. Kastriot Islami merely invokes the “jinn” of regionalism; he does not take it upon himself to heal the patient! He himself is from both the South and the North, both out of power and a member of parliament—in other words, a holder of power. If Albania has two halves, then why did the country’s No. 1 have to come, geographically, once again from the South?! Was the North not entirely justified in feeling forgotten?! Regardless, democratic developments could in no way have been mapped out first on maps and only then... After No. 1, the “Nordic” one, stubbornly comes No. 2, who is “Mediterranean,” from the South, the prime minister—not an insignificant fact for those who would like power to belong only to the North. No. 3 is Pjetër Arbnori, chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly. Who would not admit that, before being called someone born in Shkodër, he should be called an inmate of the prison that made him a resident and representative of all Albania? The balance is not upset for even a moment if the ministers from the two halves of the point are counted. But anyone who knows Albania well would also admit that the North cannot be neglected: it is a region left poor and underdeveloped, full of hidden potential. The South, with traditionally more open borders to the world and to emigration, has been more visible in the various fields and structures of the country’s life, and is therefore able to contribute its share. The two parts harmoniously complete the whole. It seems that the newspaper «ZP» and the PS itself equate the word “power” with the word “violence”—who knows why, who knows... As though the North, for example, were to identify power in this way with a group of former power-holders (who, by chance, are from...), there would be plenty of reason! We say this because, strangely, «ZP» is taking the side of a hostile person (let that go for now) who, according to the author of the article, Zeqir Lushaj, is declaring: “If they want, let them come and take my weapon.” «ZP» is a platform for rebels against public order, who one of these days may repeat Libofshë; and, as everyone knows, the lawless] armed man is from the North, not the South...! It seems geography is intruding on politics. All the more so when it comes to democracy!

On 30 May 1992, the United Nations Security Council voted for a full economic embargo against Serbia and Montenegro. Under the relevant resolution, all UN member states were to prohibit the import into their territory of all goods and products from Serbia and Montenegro, as well as air links with these two republics of the former Yugoslavia, except in humanitarian cases. Through this resolution, the Security Council also decided that the financial assets, property, financial funds and bank accounts of Serbia and Montenegro abroad should be frozen; that the level of Serbian and Montenegrin embassies and consulates should be reduced; that participation in international sporting competitions should be prohibited; and that scientific and technical cooperation, as well as cultural exchanges, with these two republics of the former Yugoslavia should be suspended. The Albanian Government has consistently called for the strongest possible sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro, as those principally responsible for the tragedy currently unfolding in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. For this reason, it strongly supported the latest Security Council resolution and is determined to implement it fully, convinced that this will make a substantial contribution to condemning the aggressor and securing peace in the region. In this context, the Albanian Government once again expresses its determination not to tolerate any case in which Albanian citizens or particular private companies, through their activities, seek to promote the circulation of goods originating in Serbia and Montenegro, especially when they act as representatives of the Albanian side. Such activities will be considered deliberate action against the Albanian state's strict implementation of the Security Council resolution on economic sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro and will consequently be subject to appropriate scrutiny by state authorities and their corresponding decisions.