At the meeting held on 1 July, under the chairmanship of Prime Minister A. Meksi, the Council of Ministers reviewed and approved a package of draft laws concerning the completion and improvement of the tax and duties system in the Republic of Albania. In this package of seven draft laws, six provide for amendments and additions to existing laws: “On the Tax System,” “On Profit Tax,” “On Turnover Tax on Goods,” “On Excise Duties,” “On Tax on the Income of Natural Persons in the Private Sectors of Trade, Crafts and Other Services,” and “On the Administration of Taxes and Duties.” The proposed amendments to the relevant draft laws are prompted by the aim of further improving the tax and duties system in line with economic reform and the requirements of a market economy, and drawing on the experience offered by foreign legislation. At the same time, they will help increase state-budget revenues while implementing the budget deficit, which is a priority objective of the government’s program. The draft laws presented provide for changes to tax rates and for new national and local taxes, analogous to those in other European countries. These include, for example, taxes on crossing the state border by air, on obtaining a certificate of competence to drive a vehicle, on the exploitation of timber, and so on. Changes are also envisaged to income taxes for enterprises in various branches of the economy, while the rate of this tax is reduced for natural persons engaged in trade, crafts and other services, in order to stimulate their activity. The draft law “On Certain Amendments to the Law ‘On Excise Duties’” provides for changes to excise duties on certain articles and introduces excise duties on several other goods, such as soft and refreshing drinks, mineral and carbonated water, electricity, and alcohol for sale. With the aim of encouraging investment and the activity of foreign companies, the draft laws provide for preferential measures in tax policy. Thus, companies with foreign or joint capital whose operations extend over ten years do not pay profit tax for the 1992–1995 period, and pay 50 percent of the tax for the following three years. The draft law “On Personal Income Tax” is a new legal act providing for a tax on personal income, such as wages, remuneration from second jobs, and income from renting or selling real estate. Income derived from monthly wages of up to 2,000 lekë is exempt from this tax. Thereafter, the Council of Ministers approved several decisions. The decision “On the Foreign Exchange Market System” stipulates that the exchange rate of the lek against foreign currencies is determined by supply and demand. Currency exchange may be carried out only by natural and legal persons licensed by the Bank of Albania. Under this decision, all payments will be made in lekë. The government also decided that, until the law on social assistance is approved, the deadline for payment of social support by employment centers would be extended, keeping it at the current level. The decision “On the Liberalization and Increase of Purchase Prices for Certain Agricultural and Livestock Products” stipulates the following maximum purchase prices: soft wheat, 850 lekë per quintal; sugar beet, 110 lekë per quintal; sunflower, 1,200 lekë per quintal; and unhusked rice, 1,520 lekë per quintal. Purchase prices for meat, milk, corn, beans, soybeans, tobacco and olives are liberalized. The decision stipulates that during the harvest period, until 31 July 1992, wheat will be collected at 350 lekë per quintal. Starting on 1 August, farmers will be paid the difference up to 850 lekë per quintal. The Council of Ministers also adopted a decision on the necessary expenses for paying the land-allocation commissions. Press and Information Directorate at the Council of Ministers

It is impossible to find a person who has never made a mistake in life. I do not mean serious offenses, but the mistakes of everyday life. And only a fool does not learn from an initial mistake. In other words, one should stop, reflect, and draw lessons. Likewise, it is impossible to find a political party, even the smallest one, that has made no mistakes. In this particular case, what matters is what kind of mistakes they are and, above all, the conscious attitude taken toward them. If they are called mistakes, they can be corrected. Once upon a time there was a party called the Albanian Party of Labour, or the Party of Labour of Albania, which, despite having existed from November 1941 until the liberation of 1991, supposedly never made a single mistake—although it began making them from the very start. What did the euphoric, wholly uncritical attitude of its eternal leader, Enver Hoxha, bring the Albanian communists? It led them not to acknowledge their mistakes, right up until the point when everything burst apart and the party disintegrated. Nevertheless, the damage was colossal, because it fell on the shoulders of a people who were martyred. Some time ago I published an article in “RD” in which, among other things, I raised the issue of certain mistakes being made in the appointment of officials. The aim was to help democracy and the people. For, by helping these two, one automatically helps the Democratic Party. It had not occurred to me that, for what I had done and for the mistakes that may have been made during this period—especially in selecting for leadership everywhere the most capable, honest people, those most committed to democracy and the tasks of reform—a party that has the courage, from its very beginnings, to admit when it makes a mistake has a future, and the people support that party. And not only does the party acknowledge the mistake, it also raises the question of correcting it quickly. But why did the mistakes arise? It is very simple: experience in personnel work had to start from scratch. Democracy does not have the files of the Party of Labour of Albania; it does not have a Mihal Bisha, who used to sift the cream of the selected communists through the eye of a needle before appointing them to the Central Committee, the diplomatic service, and the prized positions in the upper nomenklatura. Indeed, these specialists in knowing people’s biographies down to their great-grandparents were deployed even in the smallest enterprises. Faced with the urgent need to appoint a number of officials, democracy found itself without the necessary experience and administrative expertise. Under these circumstances, mistakes are understandable. But the people forgive none of them. Therefore, when they are recognized, acknowledged as mistakes, and when it is stated that they must be corrected, the people trust and forgive you. Of course, that is only if they are not repeated, since a mistake must always serve as a lesson. In addition, mistakes also occur because we have not shed the habit of ... recommending your own person, your friend, your comrade... The harm done to democracy and the people. If this practice had been kept secret, if the mistake had been discussed only within the party’s upper circles and not openly acknowledged to the people, the damage would have been great. It would have created the conditions for other mistakes to follow, because innocent people (and they can be found everywhere) would have wondered: “Yes, the Democratic Party is making a deal out of the mistake because it has decided this way!” When people know that a mistake is judged not only by the people but also by the party, they will think many times before making one. Whoever is sensible will correct it as soon as possible. The difference is clear in comparison with the case of the Party of Labour of Albania, or the Socialist Party. Why mention the Party of Labour of Albania, someone may ask. Because, continuing as the child born effortlessly to its mother, at a congress full of applause for Father Enver, the Socialist Party continues to hide its mistakes. First, it made the grave mistake of accepting its creation as a new party by the congress of a discredited party responsible for the national catastrophe. It took most of its initial members from the mother party, merely changing their membership cards. It kept the newspaper under the same name and issue numbering. It did not have the courage to rise up against the Party of Labour of Albania and the dictator’s anti-Albanian deeds. It pursued reforms half-heartedly, until it stubbornly insisted on state ownership of the land. That...

Arshi Pipa has shown through his own work who he is. But we cannot imagine an article on the front page of “ZP” in July ending with the sentence: “That is why these kinds of interviews disturb honest people.” Why? Because Mr. Arshi Pipa, in the interview he gave at the airport after returning from so many years in exile, said plainly and with conviction that the members of the Bloc—or, more precisely, all those who had tried [unclear]—but, on the contrary, to some extent some supported them, while others support them fully. Do not forget, gentlemen Socialists, that you yourselves, under the great pressure of the people, arrested some of the members of the Bloc, former members of the Political Bureau. You went only as far as not touching the interests of certain others, who are even more responsible than their subordinates. You did not hold Mr. Ramiz Alia accountable. Not for the sum...

— I am not at all concerned by certain minor pseudo-democratic politicians who attack me from behind using communist methods. — I have not commented until now on the speculative commotion being made about me, because I first tried to obtain accurate and necessary information. Having learned about the statements and comments, I made clear that they are absurd, malicious and dangerous, and are intended to attack me personally, the Democratic Party and democracy in Albania. I came to the USA for a course of study with the full knowledge and approval of the President of the Republic, the PD parliamentary group, the Chair of the PD, Mr. Eduard Selami, the two deputy chairs of the PD, Messrs. Arben Imami and Ali Spahia, as well as the electorate I represent. I am currently taking an intensive English-language course, and I have also been invited by the Republican Party, the American Democratic Party and the Hoover Institution in Palo Alto, California, one of the best institutes in the USA for political studies. The insinuations and illegal statements made about me during the local elections not only seriously harm democracy, but are, in style, purely communist and neo-communist. They are part of an Albanian tradition of attacking someone from behind; they are methods of slander that are entirely at odds with reform. … U. PD … there are some … I call on those who have made statements about me to retract them, since they do not serve democracy in any way. Personally, I have been and remain a supporter of the democratic government and President Sali Berisha. As soon as I return, I will once again throw myself into my work and intensive political activity in support of deepening democracy in our country. The world is following the campaign for local elections in Albania closely. It was astonished by the results of the general elections, and now it awaits these elections as Albania’s final liberation from communism. To my electorate, my friends and my political associates: if they feel that I should return and correct my respective course, I am ready to do so at any time. I am a deputy for the electoral district where the people gave me over 90 percent of the vote. I am ready to do anything for the trust they have placed in me. I am convinced that, during this stay of mine in the USA, I will also meet and make presentations to important American figures to seek economic and political support for the difficult situation Albania is in today. Furthermore, if the Democratic Party’s Extraordinary Conference is held while I am in America, I will attend that Conference. I am convinced that the future and certain unfavorable developments will strengthen the Democratic Party as the country’s leading political force. It distinguished itself in its struggle against communism and will also distinguish itself in building the rule of law and advancing the Albanian cause in general. I also advise any sycophant or pseudo-democrat who, taking advantage of our difficult situation, might infiltrate the PD to obtain some post or position of power, or even a leadership post, that the time of these sanguinary types will soon be over. Throughout my stay in America, I will maintain frequent contact through the Democratic Party’s information office and will send you details of all the meetings and presentations I take part in, as well as my messages.

Mr. Pashko has the right to express what he feels and thinks, but we have that same right to say what we feel and think. I do not want either to judge or to condemn Mr. Pashko. If we are not in agreement, there is a broad public that listens to us and judges us. But as a deputy and as a citizen, I feel it is my duty to remind him of a few things. First, in his counter-statement he speaks of transparency, but he himself is not transparent in any way. From what we can see, Mr. Pashko seems to have been aware of certain findings and is suddenly revealing many things today. We did not hear them in the parliamentary group or in the sessions. Second, I must remind Mr. Pashko that one cannot play games or make fine speeches about Vlora, because Vlora has heard enough speeches here about its glory and its history. Not only Mr. Pashko, but everyone in Albania feels very small before Vlora. Vlora knows how to distinguish politicians from demagogues. I can tell you that Vlora has known Mr. Pashko from the “blank cheque” right through to today’s statement about a new dictatorship, which unmistakably reminds us of Mr. Mysliu’s cries about seeing blood. Third, I must once again remind Mr. Pashko of the developments he described as inhumane from a Christian point of view. Yes, he speaks as a Christian, but remains silent as a politician. We have not come here for a Christian council. We have not come as Christians. We have come as politicians. If Mr. Pashko’s father’s remains were transferred to a dignified cemetery, it is not known where my father’s remains are—whether someone buried them or that cruel dictatorship, that macabre regime, left them in a field. Mr. Pashko is silent about this. I have never spoken about it. (Continued on page 2) … raised the issue of some mistakes being made in the appointment of cadres. by helping both, one automatically helps the Democratic Party. It had never occurred to me that, because of that article, someone from the top would even make a criticism. The words reached me, even though I had received no pressure or “advice.” So it was only an opinion, or so some people judged. I said to myself: “Why is it like this? Don’t they understand that we must catch every mistake in its embryonic stage, because there cannot be a party in the world that does not make mistakes?” I remembered the cases under communist monism and felt somewhat reassured, because the problem I was raising was insignificant compared with their faults. Even so, with all my heart I wanted the democrats to reflect. And the moment came. My heart swelled with pride when Eduard Selami, the leader of the DP, at the meeting of the National Council… Besides this, mistakes also happen because we have not freed ourselves from subjectivism, from the dark society, factions and favoritism that had taken up residence in our lives. During the years of triumphant socialism! It is not easy to fight oneself in order to be a true democrat, when for so many years we were accustomed to the deeds of communism and when, to this day, many socialists have benefited from that concrete practice. Some have sent their children and relatives abroad to study and work through various means, because they had the opportunity to make contact with businesspeople or other important officials, who gave them a scholarship or shelter. The temptation is great, because such jobs provide vital advantages. That is why one is pushed to… … when mistakes are acknowledged as mistakes and it is admitted that they must be corrected, then the people trust and forgive you. Naturally, this is on the condition that they are not repeated, since every mistake must always become a lesson. Because it demanded all the reforms until it insisted so strongly on state ownership of the land. Because it opposed democracy and, to avoid going on too long, finally because it was unable and failed to fully understand its mistakes regarding the defeat it suffered in the March 22 elections, but at its first Congress called them something like a success. This is their “transparency,” whereas true transparency is that of the Democratic Party, which, even as it is doing everything it can to bring the country out of isolation and the inherited economic destruction, has the courage to acknowledge even those few mistakes in appointing people. It is not too late, and they are not beyond repair. The people seek parties like these and trust them. … by the mother party, changing only the theory. It kept the newspaper under the same name and with the same issue number. the PPSH and the dictator’s anti-Albanian deeds. It demanded reforms that were inadequate, land. The people seek parties like these and trust them. … with the sentence: “That is why these interview games disturb honest people,” we cannot imagine it. at the airport after returning from so many years of the bloc—or, more clearly, all those responsible for serious political crimes—and finally, this was also a promise made by democracy when it began the struggle to uproot communism in Albania. Naturally, such an interview frightens anyone who, in the name of the dictatorship of the proletariat, exceeded the bounds of the law or drafted written and unwritten laws to massacre an entire people. Meanwhile, the innocent, the victims, and people who bowed their heads and carried out their duties within the regulations of that time can face a trial calmly. Their conscience does not trouble them, because they are clean. That is why they are not disturbed by this demand of the scholar… … that you yourselves, compelled by the people’s great pressure, of the Political Bureau. But you went only as far as the point where the interests of certain others—who are even more responsible than their subordinates—would not be touched. You left Mr. Ramiz Alia without being called to account. Not for much, but at least for the five years he was in charge, he must speak. During those five years there were killings at the border, the mysterious killings of July 2, 1990, mass exoduses, and the economic degeneration of the Bloc’s entourage gained great momentum—indeed, more visibly and to a greater extent than in the dictator’s time. And should this man not answer, like anyone who bears responsibility for orders involving various crimes? Why are you disturbed by this? Why should Parliament also be disturbed by such an interview, when Mr. Pipa did not say that those who are not guilty should be held to account? This is not a question of reven- (Continued on page 2)

— 60th anniversary of his birth and 5th anniversary of his death — On 1 July, in the area beside the swimming pool of the National Theatre, in a warm and pleasant atmosphere, our artists commemorated the 60th anniversary of the birth and the anniversary of the death of our cultural figure Kujtim Spahivogli, actor, director and teacher. The ceremony, attended by around 300 people, was opened by actor Timo Flloko. Actors, former students and friends of Kujtim spoke after him. Actors Ferdinand Radi and Fitim Makashi unveiled a bust dedicated to Kujtim Spahivogli, made by Fatos Kola. This beautiful and moving evening ended at 10:30 p.m. RD CORRESPONDENT