What is the SP when seen through the eyes of an ordinary non-party person? The SP—as the only and beloved daughter of the PP—inherited many things from it, but most importantly it inherited a «whole army» of honest and devoted members. The inheritance of this «whole army of members» came about just as estates were inherited in tsarist Russia: the landowner inherited (or bought) the estate with everything movable and immovable it contained—including, first and foremost, the serf peasants, the muzhiks. Thus the devoted communists, including those from the earliest days, were also persuaded to move over—they made a «transfer of capital» from one warehouse to another. Some party members, disappointed by the party’s line and its leadership, abandoned it. Another group left the SP because it did not trust its «renewal» or the «new leadership» that emerged from the 10th Congress. Whatever the SP says, the party’s composition is heterogeneous, and it contains different currents shaped by the role its members played during the exercise of communist dictatorship, by the positions and privileges they held in the past, and by the roles they play today and intend to play tomorrow. Most of yesterday’s privileged members, with the measures the Democratic Government is taking today, will become unprivileged. This, then, will be the breakaway of the unprivileged whom the SP trumpets that it will defend and support—its members and their ranks. The SP claims to support a market economy, which means capitalism, yet emphasizes that it supports... democratic socialism. If the SP were in power (God forbid!), what path would we follow: toward capitalism or toward democratic socialism? This kind of socialism does not exist in any country in the world. So, to get where the SP wants us to go, we would once again march along untrodden roads. We would have to go «with a lantern in hand»—to light the way for the world so that it could follow behind us! So now we are to build capitalism and, according to the SP, once we have built it, destroy it in order to build socialism? Why build it at all if we are going to tear it down? After its first Congress, the SP claims that «to achieve the SP’s goal of profound economic and social transformations, concrete programs, action programs, clear, reasoned and convincing programs are needed, explaining how privatization will actually be carried out...» And so on: «these and other such measures, properly and scientifically developed, based on the logic of the market economy and permeated from beginning to end by a sensitive social policy, so that people can clearly see and be convinced that this is how their vital interests are best served and achieved under the conditions of capitalist society—this is and must be the alternative of democratic socialism». And, in conclusion: «Without this preparation, without working everything out properly at national and local levels, within the framework of the entire economy, without publicizing the programs and solutions— Despite what contains different currents shaped by the role the party’s members played during the communist dictatorship, by the positions and privileges they had in the past, by the role they play today and intend to play for their own benefit, and by the interests they have for themselves and their families, both now and in the future. In any case, it is clear that 84–90 percent of the “army” inherited from the past were privileged during the dictatorship. More specifically: of the total cadres in the central communist apparatuses, communists accounted for 67.2 percent; in mass organizations, 73.6 percent; members of the People’s Assembly, 87.3 percent; in people’s councils, 64.8 percent; in Front councils, 67.4 percent; judges and assistant judges, 76.9 percent, and so on. If we also add the cadres of the Central Committee, the district party committees, and the institutions of the PP, which were 100 percent communist, and so on, the figure of 85–90 percent becomes clear. And if we add to these the family members whom privileged parents placed in privileged posts and positions, the number of SP members and sympathizers makes up that mass of people—30 percent—that voted for the SP in the March 22 elections. After its First Congress, the SP claims that “for the SP’s goal of profound economic and social transformations to be achieved, concrete programs, action programs, clear, substantiated, convincing programs are needed: how exactly will we emerge from the grave situation, how will industry and agriculture move forward, how will privatization be carried out...” And more: “These and other things like them, properly and scientifically worked out, throughout see and be convinced that in this way their vital interests are better served and fulfilled the alternative of democratic socialism.” And in closing: “Without this preparation, without working everything out properly, at the economy, without publicizing the programs and solutions— - THE COMMUNIST-SOCIALISTS ARE FIGHTING ACCORDING TO THE “ENVERIAN REVOLUTIONARY” PRINCIPLES AND THE TEACHINGS OF FATOS NANO, IN ORDER TO REGAIN THE PARADISE AND PRIVILEGES THEY HAVE LOST. - BROTHER FARMERS, DO NOT FORGET THAT DEMOCRACY MADE YOU MASTERS OF YOURSELVES, OF YOUR LAND, OF YOUR LIVESTOCK, AND OF THE FRUITS OF YOUR LABOR, WHICH YOU ARE ALREADY ENJOYING. SOON IT WILL GIVE YOU MORE. political dictatorship wants to revive the nation’s… The government… will be encouraged to promote integration into the U-… today they clearly… supporters… in… year… conditions… for…! O UPL

The day of 16 July 1992 will undoubtedly go down in the history of our pluralist democratic parliament and of democracy.

By chance, I found myself at a meeting, or «rally», held by the SP in Tirana’s Neighborhood 52. The meeting was held in an open square and... for that reason it drew the attention of others too. Seeing the advanced age of those present, some young people thought it was a meeting of the newly outlawed PKSH. When the delegate began speaking, it became clear that these were the SP’s «renewed» members, not the communists. After saying the things one reads every day in «ZP», the delegate expressed his conviction that this time the people would not be fooled and would vote for the SP. «The future belongs to us,» he told the 60-year-olds (with all due respect to the elderly). «You must vote for the SP without question, and not only that, but bring your families and friends to vote for the SP too,» the delegate continued. Meanwhile, some of the young people standing nearby, stirred by this «open meeting», began a debate. Needless to say, everyone present focused entirely on the debate, and nobody listened to the delegate any longer. It got to the point where some of the «renewed» members, provoked by the debate—but perhaps also by another factor, since the meeting was held immediately after television broadcast the parliamentary session in which the PK was outlawed—began chanting «Party-Enver!» Perhaps they quickly realized what they had done, or the delegate gave them a signal, and they stopped, but the «mistake» had been made. In fact, they cannot be blamed. Why? They were all over 60, and many of them had been ardent propagandists for E. Hoxha’s teachings «at neighborhood meetings». The blame lies with the SP deputies, who turned their meeting into a complete mess by defending the PK in parliament

(in the proposal made by SP deputies concerning the law under discussion, the words «the formation of Enverist parties is not permitted» had been removed, although this had been proposed by the PPD deputies). It is clear that a party (PKSH, PPSH, PSSH) that changes its tune according to the situation is difficult to follow politically. The veterans of this party are now used to the tricks of their leadership, which used to condemn its «great friends»—the Russians, Chinese and Yugoslavs—as enemies, and would «order» its legendary leaders to be exposed as spies and agents... So perhaps the veterans thought their leadership had changed its position on the «glorious leader», so that...

Our journalist Genc Tirana contacted the Italian Ambassador in Tirana, Mr. Torkuato Kardili, to obtain information about the total quantity of aid distributed in Albania by the Italian military through Operation «Pelican» during these 10 months (25.9.91–7.9.92). Alongside the aid provided by the Italian government, we also list here the aid from the European Community and international government aid, which was likewise distributed by Operation «Pelican». AID FROM THE ITALIAN GOVERNMENT Sugar 88,824 tons Soap and detergent 7,998 Flour 22,276 Rice 7,902 Wheat 33,000 Oil 16,199 Beans 3,212 Butter 2,398 Meat 13,192 Powdered milk 3,042 Eggs (66,691,000) (kg) 4,334 Total 147,767 tons AID FROM THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Flour 13,192 tons Cereals 1,269 Wheat 44,343 Butter 196 Powdered milk 2,044 Pasta 381 Sugar 837 Oil 147 Total 64,409 tons INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL AID Flour, Germany 2,263 tons Beans, USA 227 Butter, USA 838 Wheat, USA 1,409 Teaching materials, CDE 255 Oil, Switzerland 60 Medicines and clothing, Italy 289 School materials, Italy 222 Books, Italy 1,400 Assorted food, Italy 1,804 Plastic materials, Italy 380 Total 9,147 tons Total delivered 221,823 tons OTHER DATA 1) Operation «Pelican» has been extended until 30.9.92 2) Used vehicles: 475 3) Kilometers traveled: 5,788,105 4) Helicopter flight hours: 1,042, carrying 660 tons of materials 5) People employed: 800 6) Ships unloaded: 85 7) Military doctors employed: 12 8) Nurses: 4 neonurses and 6 volunteers 9) Medical interventions carried out: 100,443 10) Value of medicines distributed free of charge: 1,200 million lire

The Communist Party IS OUTLAWED - AN INJUSTICE BY THE SP IS RECTIFIED. - A NATIONWIDE DEMAND IS FULFILLED - THE «RENEWED» SP IS EXPOSED AS A FRAUD The day of 16 July 1992 will undoubtedly go down in the history of our pluralist democratic parliament and of democracy. The decision to outlaw the CP had been long awaited by all democratic forces in our country and was welcomed as a new victory for the DP and democracy, as an expression of the DP’s determination to eradicate communism completely and fulfill all the people’s aspirations and wishes. It was quickly picked up by most news agencies in Europe and on other continents. Albania—one of communism’s most brutally ravaged victims, where it became a symbol of inquisition and mass genocide, of the destruction of national tradition and political and economic Don Quixotism—at the very threshold of the age of democracy «avenges itself» mercilessly on the monster that terrorized it for 50 years. Our people, perhaps more than any other, have the right to be so horrified and frightened that they do not even want to hear the name of communism or those most sworn to its banner: Enver Hoxha, Ramiz Alia and their old collaborators, gathered in prison cells or in SP offices under the mask of «socialists». On 22 March, with their vote, our people took away the Communists’ right to defend themselves in the new parliament. But, as expected, their worthy successors, the «renewed socialists», gladly and with complete conviction took on this mission, led by their far-sighted strategist, Fatos Nano. And it was their turn to do so. After all, the SP is the direct continuation of the CP and the PP. It inherits from them not only most of their members but also the «treasure» of 50 years’ experience, and movable and immovable property. [...], to be declared or exposed, «ZP», as an institution and as a newspaper, offices above ground and tunnels and labyrinths underground, etc., etc. The parliamentary debate was rightly turned by our deputies into a public trial of communism as a theory and system, as dogma and practice. But this burned Fatos and his comrades badly. How could it be subjected to the law in practice? How could anyone speak so harshly, before their eyes, about their great and untouchable teacher, Enver Hoxha? How could the deeply wounded heart of Comrade Nexhmije endure it? The small band of socialists, in perfect Marxist-Leninist unity, decided to sacrifice itself to defend Enver’s name and legacy. They proved to be exceedingly zealous and passionate defense lawyers, but they could not get their way. We have never seen Fatos Nano more cornered than the day before yesterday. Cold sweat ran down him, partly from the July heat and partly from the fire of resentment and anger. He expressed his great distress with «ufe» and «pufe», and with grimacing gestures entirely natural to his inborn cynicism. When the moment came to vote, he expressed his revolt against democracy and his devotion to communism and Enver, who had given him so much and made him what he was, by leaving the parliamentary chamber in a theatrical manner. But democracy does and will do what the people want, to Fatos Nano and his comrades alike. By a majority vote, the flag was outlawed. Naturally, so was its pamphlet, which defies and mocks democracy with its hymns and photographs of Enver Hoxha, the most monstrous demon of our people, the most ruthless dictator, the most monstrous traitor to his country. While the debate raged, most of the socialists kept their eyes fixed for a long time on the photograph of the Commander on the front page of the Milosevic-style publication «Zëri i së vërtetës». Ah, what unforgettable memories that photograph stirred in them! His voice thundered in their ears too: «Comrade communists, or socialists, close ranks and unite to defend my name and my legacy at any cost and with any sacrifice!» XHEVAT MUSTAFA

Interview with Mr. AVENIR KIKA, Director of the Directorate of Emigration at the Ministry of Labor, Emigration, Social Assistance and Political Persecutees (Continued on page 2) Question: Organized emigration has been discussed before. What economic mechanism is being developed, and when did this institution take on its full organizational form? It did so only under the new democratic government. Let us begin with the establishment and operation of this directorate. Answer: The Directorate of Emigration began its work with the establishment of the Ministry of Labor, Emigration, Social Assistance and Political Persecutees, as part of Mr. Meksi’s cabinet. Albania had long felt the need for such a ministry, but previous governments went no further than establishing a ministry of labor and social assistance, which naturally could not resolve the many problems our country faced—and still faces—in the areas of employment, emigration, social assistance and political persecutees. Thus, like all Western European countries, Albania now has such a ministry. The Directorate of Emigration operates within this ministry and deals with the problems of organized Albanian emigration on the basis of intergovernmental agreements. However, under the new legislation, our ministry, like the other ministries, will liberalize private initiatives by individuals or various firms, which will be permitted by law to operate in an organized manner in the field of employing our workers abroad. Thus, in the near future, under the new law expected to be approved soon, state and private organizations and individuals will be able to...