The final figures on the results of the local government elections have not yet been released. Nevertheless, by now everything is clear to everyone; everyone is talking about the victory of the Democratic Party, of democracy in general, over Nano’s socialist-communists. The figures available so far speak plainly of a great victory for the Democratic Party in the main cities, in the country’s largest cities, but also in a number of other towns and communes. The Democratic Party, together with its sympathizers and the electorate that voted for it, leaving the Socialist Party behind, once again demonstrated that it is the party of the future; that the Albanian people, despite being in extremely difficult circumstances, have for the most part not allowed themselves to be disappointed or fall prey to the manipulations and speculations of Nano’s neo-communists. The Democratic Party’s new victory in the local elections is of great political significance because it makes the path of Albania’s fragile democracy even more secure, and because this victory will further consolidate democracy on Albanian soil. It must nevertheless be stressed that the Democratic Party did not achieve in the elections what it would have wanted in order to gain the broadest possible support for implementing its program, its tactics and its strategy. We cannot blame the people for this. We should not look for weaknesses and shortcomings in others without first looking at our own weaknesses. The results of the local government elections will surely become the subject of an in-depth party analysis. Here we can dwell only on a few phenomena that have very clearly played a particular role in undermining the Democratic Party’s position, leaving it in the minority, alienating the people from it, and killing their hope and faith in the future. Anyone who followed even a little of the Democratic Party’s election campaign could not fail to notice that it was left to Eduard Selami, the party chairman, and a few dozen activists, who did everything possible for a complete victory. This could not be achieved with forces that had been struck down and left out in the cold, to carry on alone for the sake of an objective or interest, a desire or a sick ambition to paralyze [text incomplete]. Since the founding of the Democratic Party and up to the present day, elements of the Pashko type have tried, in public statements, to portray the Democratic Party as anything but an opposition party. From the party’s founding onward, and then during the election campaign and to this day, they have tried and are still trying to bury it. There can be no other explanation for the feverish activism—as in Pashko’s recent crisis in parliament and in the «tyhp» against the Democratic Party—his lining up on the same team as the Socialist Party, his use [text cuts off]. It must be emphasized that it did not manage to obtain what it deserved, what would have provided the broadest possible support for implementing its program, tactics and not look for the weaknesses and shortcomings of others without first examining the work done by the Democratic Party itself, its leaders, its leadership, and even its militants. We must openly acknowledge that historical mistakes were made in the work of the Democratic Party, and that the Albanian Orthodox Church should have honestly helped Albanian Orthodox Christians in their faith, which the communists profaned for half a century. Indeed, we thank it be so openly violated in the name of the great economic need we have today. dependent on the Greek Patriarchate and Metropolis. The pressures nationalism are historically documented. Let us also recall the actions taken against all forces that wish and struggle to turn things back. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

— Behind the masks: the true faces — Having «read» from the very beginnings of the DP the danger and phenomenon of «pseudo-democrats» infiltrating its ranks, people from Ramiz Alia’s clan and the State Security, vigilance has been exercised, with no tolerance toward anyone exposed as a true impostor. For the others, the concept of the «Trojan Horse» was borrowed from ancient Homer. Troy was destroyed by a wooden horse, but Ramiz Alla, in order to destroy the DP and democracy in general, placed in the field a copy of these «Trojan horses», made of flesh and blood. Messrs. Neshat Tozaj and Enver Goxhajl have shed light on this in their writings. According to a scenario devised by old masters of the trade, they were thoroughly instructed in their entire theoretical and practical platform. In the first days of December 1990, they were to go to «Democracy» Square, climb onto the platform and deliver «bombshell» speeches and «flag-waving» denunciations of communism, saying everything they could against the late Enver Hoxha, but also against their professor, Ramiz Alia. And they shouted themselves hoarse, cursing and damning them, hurling «arrows» and «thunderbolts». The «Professor» listened and watched them with his icy, enigmatic smile, congratulating them to himself or through secret messages: «Well done, keep going, you’ve made a good start. Give them even more; we won’t take offence.» Not content with the platforms, they also exploited newspaper pages to trumpet themselves and present themselves as longstanding, committed dissidents, as people martyred by the dictatorship, as those consumed by a passion for democracy. For its part, «ZP», always according to this scenario, unleashed its «thunderbolts» against these «great democrats». When they were at the head of the demonstrators, strangely not a single rubber baton struck their faces, while the bodies of ordinary sons and daughters of the people were left with severe wounds. Thus, quickly, in keeping with the accurate predictions and calculations, cults were created around Nreritan Ceka, Gramoz Pashko, Pre Zogaj, Errok Çupi, etc. With this «passport», some of them earned the right to call themselves leaders of the democratic movement and to rise into the leadership of the DP. After they had achieved their first objective, their next objective, or second objective, was to wage an internal struggle to take full control of the DP, sidelining the genuine democratic leaders, first and foremost Mr. Sali Berisha, through open or behind-the-scenes intrigues. For this purpose, from outside they had the overt assistance and full support of «ZP», of the open or covert emissaries of the SP, etc. When the true face of these pseudo-democrats or mercenary «democrats» was exposed to the DP membership and to the people hungry for genuine democracy, and when the DP adopted the proper and correct stance toward them, the whole PP or SP, «ZP», etc. immediately rose to their defense. We were astonished at how they forgot and forgave all those «fierce attacks» they had made against the dictatorship and its representatives, dead or alive. The SHIK of Irakli Kocollari also placed itself at their full and highest disposal. The boat carrying the Trojan horses was in danger of sinking in the stormy sea of democracy. Sofokli Duka, a cadre with a rich history in this work, put hidden radios to use to organize and direct the disturbances in support of their people dressed in the modern clothes of democracy. We cannot forget the rally in the city of Lezhë in support of Prëç Zogaj, whose «due» was exacted when he was not proposed as a deputy. But they knew how to defend themselves too. And they sharpened… their pens, filling whole newspaper pages with interviews and other writings, in which, openly or with Odysseus-like cunning, they astonishingly appear as innocent victims, just as they were born, martyrs in the struggle for democracy; they «prophesy» and sound the alarm about the danger of a new one-party system, which they claim to see in the DP; they openly or implicitly attack the DP and the democratic government—attacks that are in fact calls not to trust or support them. In this feverish campaign, the SP has coordinated its propaganda actions with «ZP»…, «24 ORE», etc. Their writings contain more lies and venom against the DP than even the «strong» complaints of «ZP» itself; in tone, they resemble those of Koço Danaj. Thus, they «successfully» and «honorably» fulfilled their second objective too: supporting the SP in carrying out its «historic» mission to discredit the DP and democracy in general. But, what can you do, their calculations failed. By now their double game has been fully understood, and the fate of the mercenaries or renegades and mercenaries or renegades and mercenaries. They will end up like all their predecessors, whom history has burned in its trash heap. These days «ZP» has opened its doors and windows on its pages to resolutely defend its sidelined revolutionaries, spewing venom against all genuine democratic figures. Thus, it has now become clear that the so-called, or self-proclaimed, «moderate democrats» or leaders of the future are nothing but Trojan horses within the DP. Therefore, the opening of the files of politicians and government officials has become an urgent imperative. Equally imperative for the continued strengthening of the DP and democracy is purging its ranks of all those who entered the arena of the struggle for democracy on orders or instructions, with unbridled and amoral ambitions for personal or family gain, or with the aim or task of discrediting or undermining democracy from within. Time waits no longer. July 26 showed and reminded us of a great deal. It calls on us to be extremely vigilant and resolute toward all forces that want and are fighting for a return to the past. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

According to a UNESCO press release, this year’s UNESCO Prize for Peace Education has been awarded to Mother Teresa of Calcutta, the 1979 Nobel Peace Prize laureate. The jury, at the end of its consultations in Paris, declared that the prize «crowned a whole life devoted to serving the poor, advancing peace and fighting injustice». The 1992 Prize for Peace Education will be presented to Mother Teresa on October 22, 1992, at UNESCO headquarters, during a solemn ceremony presided over by the Director-General of the Organization, Federico Mayor. (ATS)

On the occasion of the national holiday of the Swiss Confederation, the chargé d’affaires of the Confederation in the Republic of Albania, Kristian Haustvirth, hosted a reception on Sunday evening at Hotel Dajti. The participants included the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori; the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Public Order, Mr. Bashkim Kopliku; other members of the government, members of parliament, etc.

— Flagrant violation of the statute of May 4, 1950 — I harbor no chauvinistic feelings. On the contrary, I have respect and affection for the Greek people. All the more so because so many Albanians are now living and working there. But, as the Swiss say, you should set the boundary with a neighbor and a friend at the garden fence. Loving friendship with a people and maintaining good relations with them, even when you are more in need, does not mean giving them the head of the table. These thoughts came to me as soon as I learned that Professor, Doctor Anastas Janullato si had been proposed as Archbishop of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania, as a representative of the Patriarchate of Istanbul, but with Greek citizenship. May His Grace forgive me, given the authority he enjoys throughout the world, as he has also been president of the world’s Orthodox churches. He has a broad education, with two doctorates, and speaks five foreign languages. In addition, using his standing and on his own initiative, he voluntarily secured aid from various churches around the world to build two new churches in Albania and reconstruct 18 others. I have no doubt whatsoever about his great desire to help Albanian Orthodox believers sincerely in their faith, which the communists desecrated for half a century. Indeed, we thank him for this great and noble assistance. But under no circumstances, in the name of the great economic need we face today, should the Statute of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania be so openly violated. A little history. For centuries, the Albanian Orthodox Church was dependent on the Greek Patriarchate and metropolitanate. The pressure and intrigues of that church against the apostles of Albanian national consciousness are historically documented. Let us also recall the determined actions against all the forces that want and fight for a return to the past. (Continued on page 4)

The result of the July elections is now known. The outcome of the elections is the resultant of the opposing forces, currents, ideas and phenomena, of the poverty cultivated for 50 years, and of the ongoing activity of the recent governments and the current one. Let us also not forget the demonstrable psychological impact on an electorate that was tired and had lost faith, which was reflected in the election results. I think the electoral campaign should be careful and broad-based, with careful choices, and should reflect the full character of the forces and individuals involved. It is not a campaign for just one party. The chairman or secretary of the Democratic Party. Apparently, the result will be determined by how many votes the Democratic Party receives in the election. The Party and its Program must be brought to the voters, and this, I repeat, must be done by a large body of Party activists and leaders. — The idea of cooperation and coalition is an issue discussed and interpreted in different ways by the parties. The Democratic Party’s strategy is the eradication of communism in all structures and throughout Albanian life, and the full and changing consciousness of democracy. It is therefore a coexistence between forces that have only recently emerged and those cemented in place over 50 years. The calculations must be realistic, especially since the country’s economic situation in recent months badly compromised the election results. Regardless of the actual factors involved, I do not view the differences with the other Albanian democratic alternatives as “close in ideas and distant in aims.” This is now a general issue that has moved on; it must be addressed within a broader framework and perspective. In today’s electoral campaign, some have tried and are trying to bury it. Nothing else can explain Pashka’s feverish, crisis-like activity in Parliament and the press recently against the Democratic Party, his being of the same attacks and accusations, the same language as «Zëri i popullit» against democracy, and the uninterrupted applause he receives from «Zëri i popullit» against democracy, from the communists conducting propaganda. All of this seriously reveals this party’s hostility and anti-socialism. The lawful right to cleanse and ease the central and district leadership structures of elements that do not ensure the progress of reform. This Party has taken responsibility for reform; it calls for reason and accountability, not empty promises to the people. In this radical replacement it is more exposed than ever before to the people, because it affects interests and disrupts social balances, and these things inevitably influence the electorate. Nevertheless, it will no longer bargain away the future. Against the background of competence, education and leadership experience—a legacy of the communist regime—the people cannot easily accept every candidacy simply because someone is a real or self-proclaimed democrat. I think the idea of cooperation with the other democratic parties would be a reasonable, realistic, effective, psychologically and technically sound choice for making victory in the elections more likely. — The people now want deeds alone. In three months the PD has done a great deal, but the effects will become widespread only after one or several years. It is rightly positive that, following massive assistance, there has been a revival and a relative improvement among those receiving assistance. When and how? This may not seem so difficult during the election campaign as it is for the government itself to be transparent. Assistance is not an end, but a means to achieve an end. What will come after it? How many will be re-employed, how many retrained, in which branches and fields, at home or abroad? And what about those who will ultimately not be retrained? Social theories and strategies cannot be made attractive unless there is a clear short- and long-term economic policy, and unless the general support needed to put things right is translated into concrete measures for the ordinary people. (Continued on page 2)

— «They left Albania twice as devastated for the Democratic Government» — — The PD is not destructive; it is the «Albanian Kristi» sacrificing itself for Albania’s rebirth — — Prepared on the basis of the material «Short-term strategy and measures for implementing the economic reform program (second half of 1992)», presented to Parliament on 6.7.1992 by the Minister of Economy and Finance, Mr. Genc Ruli. — Budget policy As noted, this policy constitutes the main direction of the Merkel Government’s short-term strategy. What is the situation today? — Thus, because of the lack of precise provisions in the existing law on enterprises, and their anarchistic concept of autonomy, the latter have not regularly paid their obligations to the state; moreover, they do not submit balance sheets showing their actual income, or submit falsified ones. It comes from the past. — From the budgetary appropriations that have already been met, including to a considerable extent the payment of wages for 80 percent of the workforce, which has amounted to genuine social assistance over the past two years. — The abusive practices of recent months, when the law on enterprises permitted an unrestricted increase in wages, thereby placing a burden on production remuneration, as well as the distribution drive initiated at the outset, created considerable problems for further growth (Continued on page 4)