Speech by Mr. Pjetër Arbnori at the National Council of the DP Some are surprised by the emergence of this opposition within the Democratic Party, but if you had noticed the approval and the most significant moments of March 22, you would have seen the blackened faces of those people who were more upset than the community by our success. Likewise, when watching the film of the closing of the first National Congress of the DP, you would notice the same faces, blackened and turned pitch-black. This began with the relentless struggle to remove Sali Berisha from the party leadership. Some time ago, on the eve of the Congress, they made a maneuver: one of them proposed that the Party chairman should not have ... as if he had been committed to the mission of saving the nation, Shalperia PD, which is engaged against corruption and dirty deals, This plan, as someone charged with a task by PPS(h) and in full coalition with it, devised the strategy of taking over the Democratic Party. When this failed in 1991, the strategy was reviewed and the platform, program, vocabulary, and accusations they would use were modified. From then on, this collection of careerists called themselves “moderates,” “intellectuals,” “social barbarians,” and advocates of “dialogue” with dictators. From then on, the attacks in “ZP” against Prof. Berisha began. State Security can be seen in this European- and world-class intellectual; some would never overcome or compromise it. That is why the theses of the DP’s darlings in their “Motion,” whether directly or indirectly, are mainly aimed against him. They stick to their strategy of accusing others as casually as adolescents, precisely of the things they inherited from Bolshevism—as a mentality, as careerism, as betrayal of national interests, corruption, and so on. Now, when the Albanian people are facing a difficult economic reform, when people’s consciences have been shaken by poverty and misery, by the workings of corruption, by the workings of corruption, by ... From outside and from within. I believe you remember the two female deputies who are still here today, and a scene from the First National Congress. While walking with them in the corridors during a break, we saw four people whispering together, heads close, in a corner. The women approached innocently, but they became alarmed and their faces changed. “Were you having a meeting?” we asked the ladies jokingly. “A meeting,” they replied ironically. Three of them are signatories to the motion; the fourth has not signed it, but there are signs he would sign later. These four, whom you now know, worked day and night in the corridors and hotel rooms to persuade delegates to vote for Neritan Ceka against Sali Berisha. The only person who did not say a word to him was Dr. Saliu. Then they became convinced he was the best man. And they were not wrong. (Continued on page 4)

THE KLA-NI “MODERATES’” STRATEGY IS A STRATEGY TO BRING THE COMMUNISTS BACK TO POWER. This strategy is a shadow connected to the tumult of troubled spirits, going back to 1990, when waves of State Security flooded toward the still poorly formed outlines of the DP. A student, a former member of the DP organizing committee who called for the removal of such shadows surrounding the generous spirit of the student movement led by Prof. Berisha, was forced to emigrate to Italy to save his life from the persecution of State Security. Tirana’s workers openly opposed Mr. Pashko’s presence in the DP leadership from that very day, expressing deep distrust of him. Nevertheless, he rose into government, formed a coalition with the communists, and served them zealously until the unforgivable split he caused in the DP parliamentary group with his statement in parliament against the DP, just days before the local elections. The faces seen on March 22, now among the signatories of the famous “Motion,” are victims of their patrons, who demanded one last service from them, even if it meant sacrificing themselves; they are victims of their own lust for power. Nevertheless, their strategy was carefully developed so as never to leave the DP in peace: to divide it, tear it away from its core, isolate it, lead it into adventures (remember the white cheque, the injections that were to be given to the people, etc.), and undermine its image among the people as much as possible. The strategy was not to separate from the DP, but to take it over. They were not really interested in creating another party, since they would fail among the people, but in mafiously usurping the Democratic Party. Ceka, Çupi, Imami, Demeti Zogaj, Teta, Trako, Peshkëpia had only one ideal: their careers. And this weakness was inspired and protected to the end by their hidden source, the social-communists, who fed ideas to the “moderates’” deformed minds. With their ideas, they would snatch away their freedom of speech and devalue their ideal of democracy, trampling on their shared victories. They abused power while serving as members of the Government of Stability, pursuing their own interests. They showed provincialism, primitive regionalism, Bolshevism—with their banal way of governing, their faces like party secretaries, their distancing themselves from fellow freedom fighters, their hatred of their own people, and their intrigues in power, especially during the Government of Stability: a black government that killed 50 victims in Pukë, not Prof. Berisha. (Continued on page 3)

Undoubtedly, the assessment of governance depends on the tasks a government chooses in the interest of the country’s progressive development, starting from the particular situation in which it assumes office. It is clear that the better the initial situation, the easier it is for a new government to ensure the conditions for effective governance. Political forces know this well: through their programs they compete and try to convince the people that each is better able to ensure progress. Ultimately, the people deliver the verdict. In Albania’s extremely impoverished conditions, the people delivered one verdict on March 22. But these same people also delivered a verdict on July 26. Is there any difference between the two verdicts? The direction of the democratic forces has not changed, but their share has, since the weight of the SP’s participation in local government increased. This change is indeed curious—nevertheless, it must be explained calmly. There are people among the electorate, as well as a group within the DP, who explain it by the mistakes the DP has made in parliament and government. They have now taken out a magnifying glass and want at all costs for others to see what they see through it. The opposition had taken up this magnifying glass long ago and, as is its habit, raised its voice to the heavens, so that even those who could not hear would hear it, and so that even the most skeptical of it would believe it. Today it cannot be said that this siren’s voice had no dizzying effect. But this “dizziness” was caused by the fact that people’s economic situation has still not improved. And poor people are not difficult to deceive. So it is not deception by the opposition when it says, “The transition period can be passed with less pain,” while the government in office states transparently that carrying out the reform requires sacrifices. In this case, people resemble a sick person who, faced with two doctors—a genuine specialist who tells him frankly how much he will suffer to recover, and a charlatan who deceives him by saying that he can get better with less pain—chooses the latter, which leads him to death. Why do we say this? Because not only in the socialists’ press, where they cynically go so far as to write “Buy democratic bread,” openly implying that if they had central power prices would not be liberalized this way, but also among a certain number of people, there is the view that price liberalization should not have been carried out. Nothing more and nothing less: this is meant to be laid at the feet of DP representatives in power. But what is the truth? Look at the position taken by the civilized world—and unfortunately, it was lost. Why it was not published and how it was lost, I do not know: From that time (about a year ago), I decided not to send any more articles for publication in RD. I broke that decision in July, when ... The second event, of which the public has no knowledge, is connected with a meeting held in the basement of Gramoz Pashko’s house, a meeting that continued until the early hours of the morning. Besides the homeowner, Neritan Ceka, Genc Ruli, Preç Zogaj, Frok Çupi, etc. took part. This meeting took place on the eve of the opening of the proceedings of the National Conference of the Democratic Party. Here too, the main and only issue was Sali Berisha. They discussed how to remove S. Berisha from the post of DP chairman. Two versions were approved: 1) The first concerned the method of electing the DP chairman. According to this version, the chairman should be elected by the DP leadership, not by the National Conference. Those attending this illegal meeting expressed the view that the DP leadership would secure a majority for the “Berisha issue” vote in the fortress. The second version would be resorted to if the first were not accepted. And when the DP leadership rejected it, it was then proposed that “the chair- ZEF BROZI GAFUR MUKA Bujar Hoxha

Driven by political interests, some neighboring chauvinist circles, when they want to discredit us in the world, put forward the thesis: The Albanians are not a homogeneous people; they have no national consciousness (?) Naturally, this is not true, but a deception. With their “dividere et imperare” doctrine (divide and rule), our neighbors, through their emissaries and cosmopolitan volunteers (Albanians in certain parties and associations), try to put into practice the infamous divisive slogan that has repeatedly brought this people face to face with unpleasant situations and paradoxical choices. But the trouble is that good people also fall for it, and we sometimes hear them say: “What do we need Kosovo for?!” “Look what this country has come to.” “Let the king come,” etc. Some sick party members in Parliament also play with this people’s nerves. These elements are divided into the conscious and the unconscious, but like worms they try to gnaw at the healthy trunk of the tree and do not look up at the leaves waiting for nourishment. They do not look up because they are used to crawling... But... it is not easy to break free from indoctrination (Continued on page 2)

FORCED REPLY When they told me my name had appeared in “ZP,” I admit I was worried, because it was an announcement as if it were an ordinary news item. I felt relieved and happy when they told me I had been insulted in an article in “ZP,” written by a “scholar” of culture, celebrated for a culture that has never been published. Without getting into a lengthy polemic over this false accusation, I must clarify. I am grateful to my grandmother ... Harmi ... ? ... politics and ... and not as a bloodthirsty dictator, he undertook his policies (E.H.) “as a policy of lost genres” and not as a deliberate anti-Albanian policy. A policy still pursued to this day by the PS and its chairman. In “ZP” I am attacked in the only style they know: they slander me without presenting any counterargument to my article. I am accused of using “att- (Continued on page ...) written where E. Hoxha ...

MR. EDUART SELAMI ALSO ATTENDS On Monday morning, the Conference of the DP Youth Forum convened in the meeting hall at the DP headquarters. In addition to the delegates, the DP Chairman, Mr. Eduart Selami, the DP Deputy Chairman, Mr. Azem Hajdari, and others also attended. After an extensive discussion, conducted transparently and through democratic debate, about achievements to date in the areas of the forum’s organization and activities, the shortcomings and weaknesses observed, as well as future tasks and objectives, the conference moved to the second item on the agenda: elections for the new governing body. Mr. Arben Lika was elected chairman. “RD” correspondent

— Blerim Çela called for the support of the press and criticized the General Prosecutor’s Office for its sluggishness. He stated that he had requested the dismissal of 70 directors, from ministries to enterprises, branch heads and officials. Al said he had requested the recovery of state funds from 35 people, amounting to 5 million new lekë. In the last three months, through the intervention of his department, 235 million new lekë have been returned to the budget. So far, 35 have been referred for criminal prosecution. (Continued on page 4)

In the first days after Ismail Lleshi’s appointment as secretary of the Tirana Party Committee, during a conversation with him, he told me that the chairman of the PD had been changed. This happened not long after the meeting of the PD Presidium had concluded. From this I concluded that the Tirana Party Committee was being informed from within, by some member of the PD. I told Ismail that the change had been made, but that the new chairman had not been elected—the person he had been informed about was Sali Berisha. I did not tell him that Saliu himself had told me this; he had come to my house for a coffee immediately after the meeting ended. While the news Saliu gave me pleased me, it was because I thought he was the most suitable person to carry out the new task successfully, not because he was a trusted friend of mine. As far as I could tell, Ismail was not pleased with this choice, although he personally respected Saliu as well. This made me think that Saliu’s candidacy was not suitable for the leadership of the PPSH. As a result, I predicted that all-out attacks would be made against Sali Berisha. I was wrong. When these attacks began, I wrote an article for RD, in which I focused particularly on the question, “Why is Sali Berisha being attacked?” The article was not published and, unfortunately, it was lost. I do not know why it was not published or how it was lost. to submit any more articles for publication in RD. I reversed this decision in July, when… The second event, about which the public knows nothing, is also of the morning. In addition to of the start Party. Here, too, the main and sole Berisha from the post of chairman of the PD. Two options were approved: the first concerned the method of electing the chairman of the PD. According to this option, the Chairman was to be elected by the PD Presidium and said that the majority of the PD Presidium would turn against Sali Berisha. When this proposal was not accepted, the participants in the meeting in the Pashko basement continued their illegal activity against the PD. But now, especially after the National Conference of the PD, this activity has expanded, branched out and intensified in harmony with their distinguished allies, with the PS (P). They found themselves on a common front, although in different positions: artillery fire from pseudo-democrats, regular members of the PD, and the socialists, the furious communists. Bearing these facts in mind, the actions of Neritan Ceka, G. Pashko, P. Zogaj, F. Çupi, etc., become clearer and easier to understand. To conclude this brief note, I add that the joint efforts of those who met in Pashko’s basement were described to me two days ago by someone who had attended the meeting. He begged me to keep this secret, because he was “afraid they’d find out”… I am writing this for the PD, so that it may take whatever measures it deems necessary to heal the Party’s divided state. BUJAR HOXHILLA Tirana, 3 August 1992

Tirana, 3 August 1992

…you are not … of … in the party …