Certain PS leaders are trumpeting the good result that party achieved in some areas, as well as Mr. Eduard Selami’s opinions, as a reflection of the deep crisis that has engulfed the Democratic Party. Is the DP really in deep crisis, or at least in crisis? How can a new party be in deep crisis when, in less than three years, it managed to take the throne from the “colossus” PPSH, which could not do a thing, although some of its wars against the subjugated had spread warnings. “We took it with blood; without blood we won’t give it up?” During its life, the DP established itself as a party that expressed the interests of the democratic spirit of the Albanians, who were forced to accept “pluralism through unprecedented violence.” That is why it achieved the successes everyone knows about. And if the socialists are pleased with their relative success in the local-government elections, it did not come so much from the strength and ideals this party represents as from the economic reality, the extremely difficult situation, and the pronounced shortages of everyday consumer goods. This situation was a direct result of the incompetence of the governments they had inherited, which had made no contracts and had failed to ensure the continuity of supplies to the people—even of soap. Let us not forget the economic and psychological difficulties at the start of the reform, because the operation to reduce socialism’s bloated bureaucracy, as well as the obsolescence of technology, which the work… Of course, socialist propaganda attributes all this to the DP, leading some people to withdraw: not to vote, or to give their vote to the socialists, thereby taking a step backwards. In this way, they forgot that these difficulties were created precisely by the PPSH and the PS, which have now launched an attack against democracy. Add to this some mistakes by the DP, especially in appointing cadres, and the picture is complete: we see why the socialists won so many seats, certainly not in the major cities. But this curiosity cannot be taken as the result of a crisis that has swept through this party. The allusion here is clear: it also leads to the many discussions and even to the motion by this party’s moderate group. But can this group, or some other elements rebelling against their own party, create a deep crisis within it? Let us explain: When the DP was created, it had more the framework of a great and powerful anti-communist movement. It did indeed have a program and a statute, but people with the most diverse views and aspirations joined it, including its leadership. Naturally, they were all anti-communists, except those who joined on the orders of the State Security. But some of these anti-communists either did not want to know about party discipline, or wanted leadership positions at any cost. Some had [and this is] an attitude toward the Government of Stability, and after the victory in the parliamentary elections, events accelerated. These people could no longer be tolerated. Anyone who did not get the position they had dreamed of, or who thought the party had made a mistake on this or that issue because they thought differently, went on the attack. And the attack began against the leader of the DP, now in the position of the President’s adviser, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha. I do not intend to name these people. They know who they are. Their actions were discussed and a decision was made. But I wanted to say that what happened was entirely expected; it is quite normal. In fact, it does not weaken the DP, because it is not in crisis; rather, it is acting against a crisis. To oppose that decision, anyone is free to leave the party and create another party, because we are in a pluralist system and everyone has the right to fight for their convictions. But when, within a party, a minority forms an opposition, accusing the party leadership—elected on its program—of actions, even though they have enough political experience to understand that the majority’s decision within a party must also be implemented by the minority. If the minority does not accept that decision, it the right to fight for their convictions. A minority should not form an opposition, accusing the party leadership and its actions with the very same arguments used by the socialists, whose motives are well known. This event itself, whose origins go back a long way, demonstrates that the DP is a democratic party and did not take rigid positions: with Mr. Pashko’s statement from London, it did not expel them from— points of view and desires of the most varied kinds. Demos ta gjithë an- ndryshmet. Demos ta gjithë an- who had been brought in on the orders of the State Security Service. However, some of these anticommunists either did not care about party discipline or wanted leadership posts at any cost. Some had (and this is natural) weaknesses of character as well, displaying a pathological selfishness. Of course, at the beginning of the struggle for democracy these traits were not easy to discern, but especially with the issue of

Mr. Berisha said that her arrival in Albania had, he was very sure, gladdened all Albanians, who had followed your health with concern and anxiety, prayed for You to recover as soon as possible and return to Albania at the earliest opportunity. Mr. Berisha said that her arrival in Albania had, he was very sure, gladdened all Albanians, who had followed your health with concern and anxiety, prayed for You to recover as soon as possible and return to Albania at the earliest opportunity, because through your work, more than any other Albanian during this century, You gave the Albanian nation a name and honor. This is not only because you are the first Albanian Nobel laureate, but because, of all the titles that exist and have existed in every age and for all countries and human races, the most exalted title is that of Mother, and You are the only woman in the world regarded as a mother by all humanity. This is because, through your work, you revealed the true and boundless dimensions of the human spirit, of the Albanian spirit. Your work for the unfortunate, I would say, is the work of God himself. You treated, fed and helped those suffering people whom society, the family environment and medicine had abandoned in one way or another. They found in you spiritual shelter, hope, mercy and devotion; they found a great spirit. I would very much like you to visit Albania during your stay. People here love you enormously and are very proud of you, of this Albanian woman of small stature but with a great heart and spirit for all humanity. Mother Teresa said that she, too, loved Albania very much and had opened seven of her houses here. When I received my visa at the Embassy in Rome, I put the Albanian name before my Indian passport. My passport now says Albanian-Indian. Afterwards, Mother Teresa and Zëfi Ivan Dllaz handed President Berisha the photographs taken with the Pope. President Berisha promised Mother Teresa that she would have his full support in Albania. Press and Information Office of the President

Notice from the Press and Information Office of the President. Regarding some statements by President Berisha published by the Greek press and news agencies, we clarify as follows: There has been no change in Albania’s position toward Macedonia; as far as Albania is concerned, the name Macedonia presents no obstacle to recognizing this country. Regarding the enthronement of the Archbishop, the President did not send any message to the Orthodox Church. Secondly, on this issue, a message was sent to the Orthodox Church in Boston stating that this should be accepted as a temporary solution, in accordance with the statutes of the Albanian Autocephalous Church. The President opposed the synod appointed by the Patriarchate, while the allusions made in some press organs in Belgrade or Athens to a change of views concerning the Albanians in Kosovo are entirely unfounded. I emphasize that Albania has declared, and continues to declare, that it does not seek a change of borders, but the full respect of the human and national rights of the Albanians, including the right to self-determination provided for in the Helsinki Final Act. All other interpretations are incorrect.

Press conference by the Command of Operation “PELICAN” On Friday, August 14, the command of Operation “Pelican” organized a press conference at its base in Durrës, attended by Albanian journalists. The conference was chaired by the commander of the operation, General Carlo Ciacci. This event, whose origins go back some time, demonstrates the mission for the EC. As is known, the purpose of this mission is to distribute aid allocated by the EC and Italy. Regarding the future of this operation, it was emphasized that, to date, the agreement concluded with the EC as da- General Carlo Ciacci. In his remarks, General Ciacci, after emphasizing that “this is the first meeting in a continuing series of contacts with Albanian journalists,” once again explained that Operation “Pelican” is carrying out a… The operation’s… can be called… The situation is still unclear. According to the general, the EC will continue to need “Pelican,” since Albania is not yet able to distribute on its own the aid the EC will provide during 1993, which was specified…

— Only the blind sell democracy, Mr. Ceka! — I would not have sat down to write this article had your piece, Mr. Neritan Tekle, in the “Koha Jonë” newspaper of the “mënojhurob” not prompted me to do so. By putting yourself in the role of supreme judge, you do nothing but strip the citizen of the thin veil with which you have been equipped, now in front of public opinion. Quite plainly, in the capacity of a false prophet, you took it upon yourselves to categorize people and pass distorted, cynical judgments on the democratic revolution of December. And I do not want to talk about my past, Mr. Ceka, especially with people who fear their own past (while I am proud of mine, whereas I only remind you of yours), but about the actions of the students, except for those “nalvë” students, communist intellectuals and “Ballisto-Zogists,” during the great December revolt—which you deliberately forget or certainly underestimate. It was precisely the politically persecuted, the physically and morally persecuted, the perpetual enemies of the communist dictatorship, those who fought tooth and nail against it, who were the driving force of Albanian democracy. One of the main factors that allowed this rotten [system] in which communism was able to wreak its 45-year havoc to give way to democracy, personalities, (in?) “your democracy”)… respected sir, you have filled it with political figures who were not in the communist dictatorship but [were in] dictatorship and the dictatorship. Like all the red… of these, you see Ballists and Zogists everywhere, who, according to you, have usurped power in the DP. I do not know where you see yourself, Mr. Ceka. The toppling of the monument on February 20 was the people’s supreme verdict against the dictatorship, but as if the beauty of the communists were not enough, we had to experience them again in new times. February 20 was the ideal moment to bring the dictatorship to its knees; a self-sacrificing act, the toppling of the monument was the beginning of its end. And precisely then, when the frightened crowds of people were marching toward the red block, a man appeared who would delay the arrival of democracy in Albania by a year, because it took until March 2 of the following year for us to breathe freely. I remember it as if it were now: your yellow face as you stood with your hands raised, shouting, “Turn back, there will be bloodshed!” We were not afraid to shed our blood for the freedom of this long-suffering people, for we had shed it at other times, when you and others like you zealously served as apprentices to the communist dictatorship. With your act, you did nothing but extend the life of the barbaric regime of the “llavo-shqiptarëve” by another year. That is one of your “merits,” and you can be proud of it. You can also be proud that you tried to drive a deep wedge into the democratic heart of the Albanian people at precisely the most delicate moments. Your statement at President Alia’s office was nothing but a blatant falsehood intended to damage the DP’s reputation in the…

REPLY TO THE PROTEST BY ATTORNEY GENERAL MAKS HAXHIA I would answer you, Mr. Haxhia, that this is not a personal career matter, as Mr. Haxhia claims, I would answer you, Mr. Haxhia, that this is not a personal career matter, as Mr. Haxhia claims. It is true that the separation of powers into legislative, judicial and executive branches is a great victory for democracy, but for democracy to be distorted in this way through unjustified protests defending lawbreakers is to undermine democracy and justice. I have asked, and continue to insist, that the organs of justice do their jobs at the forefront of defending the interests of the state, democracy and honest citizens, and not cater to whims or personal ambitions, as Mr. Haxhia claims. Fighting corruption and the corrupt by holding them legally accountable is not careerism, but honesty—something I demand as a citizen and have undertaken to pursue to the end. Cases that the State Audit has reported to the prosecution authorities for criminal investigation are being handled in the most scandalous manner. In Dibër, corruption involving large sums was identified and reported; it affected the interests of the state and citizens through the reduction of food rations for children from donated goods, while the prosecutor’s office does not treat it as a criminal case. The same applies to construction sites in Sarandë, etc. The issue of the newspaper “Koha Jonë” was also fully substantiated and, after consultation with legal experts, is not treated as a criminal case. Where is our dictatorial behavior when we are fighting to defend the law? (Continued on page 3)

In view of the fact that the list of new additional members of the DP National Council was not presented correctly, due to a typesetting error we are publishing their complete list, as approved at the second session of the DP Extraordinary Conference on August 13, 1992. The following gentlemen have been admitted: Engjëll Hysenbegasi, Ahmet Bushati, Arben Lika, Emin Haxhiademi, Xhelal Hyseni, Pellumb Kulla, Fedhon Meksi, Nexhat Mersini, Sali Kelmendi and Bahri Bregu.

The selections for local government bodies have now been completed, and it is reasonable for them to be judged differently from various points of view—not only for subjective reasons, but also for purely propagandistic ones, which should not be expected to disappear. Even among “impartial” observers, it is difficult to find anyone who can look at these elections and their results “coolly” and “impartially”; from the outset, they present themselves as disinterested and claim that they only want to do “good” for Albania and its people(!) Undoubtedly, March 22 is

There was no other way it could have happened: the PPSH was in opposition and would undoubtedly lose! July 20 was a different matter. The PD and the former Opposition were now in power. Political power remains in power. Now the “game” was about completing the framework, about extending democratic power down to the local level. Communism was in retreat, and the entire burden of responsibility fell on the PD, which accepted End-? riat alive as its fate, bearing a responsibility for which it had also entered the arena of political struggle. What was strange came after this: The July 26 election campaigns were regarded as a second- or third-rate affair. The higher levels of democratic and party power acted piecemeal. Many expected someone else to take it on, when it was clear that victory would come only after efforts such as those (Continued on page 3). How can a victory in war be compared with a victory in peace? On March 22, people voted against communism, and it was known that, in reality, no one opposed to it could have the moral right not to come forward. And that is what happened. It was the merit and achievement of the PD, at the head of the democratic forces, that it knew how to uncover and deliver the message of those elections. It made the people aware of the purpose of their vote. Many of the Opposition at the time. The facts were entirely clear: the March 22 election campaign was fundamentally more favorable to the opposition forces than the July 26 one. It was necessary to start by opposing communism, and the majority of the e- accepts this