Yesterday morning, President of the Republic Sali Berisha received at his office the distinguished figure of the diaspora, Professor Sami Repishti. At the outset, Mr. Repishti expressed to the President his pleasure that, in our country, even at the dawn of democracy, such major and very important issues of life are now part of reality. And not only that, but it is a great honor for me to meet you, the first Albanian President elected freely, by free vote. You have my full support, as well as that of the entire diaspora, because you have the moral right to govern this country, because you were among the first to shoulder the burden and destroy the dictatorship. But you also have the support of Europe and the world, since Albania is a country with great potential, both intellectual and in its large human and mineral resources. I wish you with all my heart: keep going, you and all our people, and put things in order so that we can overcome the difficulties. I know how difficult it is to start from zero, to start from an organized devastation, but I am convinced that we will succeed. President Berisha, for his part, told Mr. Repishti that Albania greatly needs the minds and abilities of Albanians wherever they may be. He then explained to Mr. Repishti the difficulties the country is currently going through and the contribution to economic reform and price liberalization. It is true that we will value democracy more than anything. We have done little for it, but with the beginning of the first phase of the democratic state we will do everything possible to normalize their lives. Important issues also include our plan to move into the phase of perestroika. Albanians face revenge in all this. We will open the files on the activities, and this will not be revenge, but a way to bring the truth to light. The conversation then focused on the issue of human rights. President Berisha spoke to Mr. Repishti about the extensive corruption of the last two years, the stance that should be taken toward it, the law prohibiting people from carrying weapons without a permit, checks of belts, etc. The police are not checking for gold or literature, as happened before, but for weapons, in order to prevent crime. In Albania, 50 such searches have also been carried out. Such a law exists in many countries around the world. Mr. Repishti replied that such a law also exists in America and in many democratic countries. Professor Repishti expressed to the President his determination to contribute and cooperate in consolidating democracy in Albania and resolving the problems of Kosovo. The meeting was very cordial. Press and Information Office of the President

The extraordinarily grave economic situation of the country, inherited by Mr. Meksi’s democratic government from the previous communist government of Çarçani, Nano, Bufi and Ahmeti, is clear to every Albanian citizen; it is also clear that the unprecedented difficulties of this unforeseen transitional period must be understood and overcome quickly. At the study meeting organized on 20 February 1992 in Rome by the Italian institutions CE-SP, SPI and ISDEE, under the auspices of Italy’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, devoted to the difficult political situation in the Balkans, ISDEE representative Angelo Masotti Cristofoli analyzed the transition process in Albania. He pointed to a situation close to collapse: national income per capita is at levels characteristic of the fourth world, with production down by more than 50 percent; inflation, with an upward trend, is above 104 percent; anarchy and shortages prevail everywhere, while the population growth rate is the highest in Europe. The transition process in Albania has become more difficult than in other Eastern countries because of the policy of closure and isolation pursued until recently and the great backwardness found at every level. This is a country with great economic potential, not only because of its abundant natural resources, but also because of its opportunities in agriculture and tourism. The government of Mr. Meksi, which took office after the victory of 22 March, could not overturn the inherited catastrophic situation as if by magic. But faced with such a grave economic problem, together with the difficulties of the country’s democratic transformation and its transition to a market economy, this government is taking action and is determined to see it through to the end. Without financial assistance to be provided by international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development; without the experts’ conditions and advice; without the help of the 24 who came and gathered in Tirana; without ties with the Council of the Commu-

— Concerning the incident involving the wives of the dismissed servicemen of Sazan — On the front page of Saturday’s “ZP,” dated 15.8.1992, the headline “Inhumane actions by the authorities supporting [them] in Vlora,” referring to the wives of the servicemen dismissed from the island of Sazan, was provocative and striking. But from the outset, the wording revealed the authors’ lack of democratic values and their bias: they lumped together under the term “authorities” the officeholders (the Executive Committee, the Municipality), who had nothing whatsoever to do with the incident on the island, and the Public Order Branch, which was likewise not responsible for this incident involving forces of the Ministry of Defence (the military, depoliticized and separated from the party), who in the end were acting in accordance with the law and their command’s orders. To clarify this matter, we contacted the Ministry of Defence and the minister’s office...

— The PD does not wage a feud with the PS — When we read your motion, it reminded us of the meetings and unjust trials of the communist regime in Tepelenë. When we read your motion, it reminded us of the meetings and unjust trials of the communist regime in Tepelenë, when the victims—that is, innocent people—were put on trial. All the issues from 20 years of written records were counted against them. And so it is with your motion. You let the wound fester and grow, as if you had been waiting for this moment, and now you sound the alarm. Are you not part of the party organization, and even at its core? Of course you are. How, then, are we to explain this indifference and continued failure in Vlora? And what is this—is it democratic spirit or an ordinary communist dogma, “militancy” in the struggle against communism, or a distortion and an attempt to draw comparisons with communism and its socialism? So, if your motion is sincere, it is more about democratization; it is not meant to stir things up or to make the party acknowledge its own past, but to keep it clean, free of the crimes that stain the face of communism. I want to ask you: What message does your motion convey to students? And to ordinary people? And to the intellectuals whom you regard as one of the...

Governing a country is like the art of running a household. You cannot expect a new housewife who has just arrived, in the blink of an eye, to replace the old furniture, change the way household and state affairs are arranged, and clean everything, etc. Likewise, a new government cannot be expected to stabilize the country’s economy immediately, provide jobs for people who have a future and for the unemployed, and build roads. At this moment it must keep its feet on the ground and we all know that the blanket is very short. If we look at the few ministries that have been in its hands, the results of these first 120 days are not insignificant. The Meksi government took the reins at a time when it inherited the post-security administration and a country in decline, when people were gripped by fear that everything would be overturned. It has been able to restore order, and today employees no longer seem as lawless and unaccountable as before. You can see the government’s efforts to repair a damaged state with a clear purpose. It established the financial police and renewed state oversight. In a short time, the state machinery has been redirected after months of anarchy. Its authority is being restored. Now the specter of Blerita Çela, with her eyes fixed on the ceiling but her hands checking the pockets filled unjustly, could easily appear in the dreams of every corrupt employee. Of course, one cannot expect the old state dreams to be replaced immediately; the better outcome is that the process be realized, since neither the means nor the people are available. It must move quickly at a time when the government has been... The short-term economic stabilization program (until the end of the year) proposed by Minister Ruli represents an effort to curb inflation somewhat with as little social pain as possible. This program seems to be the optimal solution for the moment. Why does it seem so? First, if we were to aim to keep people from being dismissed from all the jobs they currently have—that is, to preserve current employment—it would mean preserving the existing bureaucratic administration and enterprises that sit idle. I do not believe there are people who care about this country’s future and would want such a thing to be allowed, as if the world were keeping us fed. The world feeds us today because it believes we will reform. Second, if we aimed for large-scale privatization of enterprises, that is, to sell them off wholesale, a market economy would entail the closure and bankruptcy of two or three state enterprises and three out of every four people being thrown out onto the street. Indeed, bureaucratic growths would be cut away completely and we would have an ideal competitive environment, but it would be like stepping into a bog wearing formal shoes. The Meksi government is taking several steps that do not bring ruin directly upon people with modest incomes (measured by Albanian standards), so that we can bring more money into the state’s “treasury,” strengthen the collection of taxes and other revenues, and wage a thorough fight against corruption, which has cost us millions of lekë. This is the first path to restoring the health of the budget, which is in deficit, to funding social assistance and strengthening the tax system. The second path is cutting state expenditure, known as budget spending. That is why some people working in the state apparatus, especially in the administration, are being forced to look for other work. This cannot be avoided. Restoring the state budget is the real challenge facing the Meksi government. It concerns the economic “health” of this country’s salvation. That is why this government must be helped by everyone, because this challenge belongs to everyone. This government gave hope substance and institutionalized the future. We must not leave it alone. Otherwise, our children will not forgive us for being so stubborn in our grudges and political divisions.

On 13 August, Mr. Arben Demeti, a member of the PD Steering Committee, began his speech by mentioning my name, a remarkably young face. On 13 August, Mr. Arben Demeti, a member of the PD Steering Committee, began his speech by mentioning my name, a remarkably young face, a journalist’s face, whose age and career are presented [as an argument]. This is a sign of misguided thinking. I am described, Mr. Arben Demeti, as a careerist, because I am a “high-ranking” servant of the “PD.” Mr. Arben labels my career in his notes because I am one of the few members of this parliament who have earned recognition through their work in public life. As for my professional life and democratic spirit, Mr. Arben has no right to speak. Labeling me in this formal way is a major misunderstanding. My family began here when everything had been destroyed, and I told them at its outset that I had stood alongside the colleagues who joined together, and with everyone else, through the earthquake. I am very dear to all Albanians because of what I have done. Even though I have completed it. I completed the “PD” school, and in the end, in my younger years up to the present, both while still young. That is the truth. Mr. Demeti wants to make me a political target. I have never been a member of organizations, movements, etc. I studied for democracy, not for the “PD.” That is simply not true. (Continued on page 2)

We feel relieved when we recall that relatively promising beginning of the democratic processes of the nineties. At that time, free and democratic thought was expressed through related articles in newspapers, and, amid haste and hesitation, through articles calling for the blood of certain people in power and [an unclear word]. Meanwhile, democratic words and actions remained constrained by tangled laws and propaganda, generally a subjective factor. Developments in democracy faced major limitations. The State Security service, organized at every level with information sources, controlled the country’s entire social life. But the dictatorial system also had its “Achilles’ heel.” The world knew it, though the dictatorship tried to hide it. The country’s economy, a decisive factor in the development of democratic processes, had by then fallen into complete collapse. All its indicators reached alarmingly negative levels. Efforts began. [Unclear text] All the plans were kept for the economy. Secret archives were brought out, and the communist system’s economic administration methodology was [unclear]. Meanwhile, the students, these angels of democracy, rose up with economic and political demands, awakening the democratic spirit of the people. The security forces struck the students’ bodies with batons. This great repression stirred democratic intellectuals, led by Mr. Skënder Gjinushi, to resign publicly from his post as Minister of Education because he recognized their spirit. This democratic “boom” would have a great effect on the students and the people. Nevertheless, Ramiz Alia was forced to open the doors, restricting political rights considerably while giving space to political pluralism. This [unclear] allowed [political activity], leading to [an unfinished phrase] and more. The process was interrupted by the organization; the opposition party spread [unclear text], and the politics of the unattainable, all the world where one might mention an unrepeatable word. A political trick that the democratic world did not have in its country... (Continued on page 2)

The Ecological Party. In any case, with a political framework containing parent parties, daughter parties and ungrateful parties, the first pluralist elections were held under unequal conditions. Instead of the democratic forces, the party that held the dictatorship in its hands won; the party that brought the people economic ruin won. Therefore, united in the Independent Trade Unions, they went on strike with political and economic demands in the economy’s critical sectors, such as oil, mines, transport, etc. The state and the Alia Party also played their part in this. To break the strikes, the Federation of Free Trade Unions police were deployed. They could not act quickly enough, because the striking workers were determined to carry the struggle through to victory. Thus the Nano government was forced to resign. 2. The PDSh sees itself as a political entity with full moral legitimacy to govern the country. The political power feels defeated, so it needed as much time as possible to gain economic power, which, under the conditions of capitalism, under the conditions of capitalism...

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