After 22 March, it was believed that the SP, lost forever (PK, PP), would retain its position as the opposition in Albania’s pluralist political spectrum. Its own press, foreign observers, and the SP’s leadership pyramid itself accepted this, but, strangely, only 126 days later, when voters brought the SP new local positions through their votes, the former ruling party of 45 years suddenly declared itself a rival in government, seeking an open revanche driven by its lust for power. Socialist deputies, especially the “independents,” trumpeted the idea of a coalition between government and opposition with “political” arguments, even though just one year earlier such a coalition had failed disgracefully. The consequences of the Government of Stability have not yet been eliminated, and it will take years to do so. Besides its sweeping remedies in the economy, culture and other areas of social activity, it encouraged an unprecedented and incalculable wave of destruction, arson, looting, and “especially economic corruption. Corruption concerning the Bufi–Pashko cabinet is alluded to and openly discussed, yet none of them has so far been brought to justice. During the transition, the Socialists gained the key positions in the economy, a guarantee that today makes them optimistic in their ultimatum demanding a coalition government. There are cases of such an arrangement in the experience of the world’s democracies, but under social and political conditions and factors different from ours. The idea of power-sharing was encouraged by the “moderate” wing in the DP, which, through left-wing opposition actions and political platforms, created confusion in the judgment of the democratic public. It does not seem accidental (because no one is so blind or deaf) that the power-sharing platform drawn up by Socialist leaders and “ZP” completely dominates the notorious “Motion” of a group of intellectuals in the DP, such as R. Peshkëpia and company. With all the... [continues beyond the edge of the image] ...[?]ments, the lust to rule, career envy, and the desire to preserve privileges became catalysts for the SP’s hasty drafting of the power-sharing idea. Even formally, a democratic-communist coalition would be fatal and a violation of the people’s will, since on 22 March they gave power to the democrats, driven by mass hatred of communism and its missionaries. In practical terms, this coalition would be a disaster for the Albanian economy and culture, where corruption would become more widespread than in the other countries of the Eastern democracies. In pursuit of the idea of power-sharing, the SP used every means of struggle and persuasion. Besides lengthy statements in the press and Parliament, besides fomenting confrontations within the SP and its organizations, and besides harsh attacks on the President and government, it also used the most dangerous weapon—the revolt, organized in Poliçan in the last days of August ’92. Exploiting the poverty of ordinary people in Poliçan, F. Nano’s missionaries preached a “southern front against the Meksi government,” “Berisha’s terror against them,” and supported parliamentarianism in all their actions. This included, among other things, holding two officers of the district DRP hostage. Thanks to the government’s restraint and the democratic people’s response in every district, the events in Poliçan ended with the black stain of evidence of social-communist attempts, as they waved E. Hoxha’s portrait, again showing in Parliament that they would not give up their legal and illegal struggle to seize political power at any cost. Thus, the Socialists, intoxicated by the heat of the beach, are no longer either government or opposition; instead, they prefer to play the role of “independents” in Albanian politics, just like Islami and his companions. And this “independent” group, which the people hanged to death with their vote on 22 March, performs a political ballet, declaring itself one moment opposition, the next government... [continues beyond the edge of the image] ...supporters, while never forgetting to say in the end that it is constructive (read: destructive...!). The former government party, now an opposition drugged by the vaccines of the ambition for power, perhaps feels nostalgia for the DP and its unlawful game, since it too proves calmer and more active in unlawful than in lawful actions. May it meet its fate! ... the idea of co-governance was encouraged by the «moderate» wing of the PD, which, through left-wing opposition actions and political tactics, created confusion in the judgment of the democratic opinion. It does not seem accidental (because nobody is so blind or deaf) that the platform for co-governance drawn up by the socialist leaders and «ZP» completely dominates the infamous «Motion» of a group of intellectuals in the PD, such as R. Peshkëpia and company. Nevertheless, it took «independents» such as doc. Islami appearing on the scene for the idea of co-governance to be defined as a platform, and for the PS to cease being a genuine political opposition and instead become a colossal force of economic power within the political power of the democratic coalition. How is it possible for the PS to be satisfied with 126 days in opposition and to seek office? How is it possible that the PS, removed from 50 years of rule, should, after only 5 months, once again covet the state pyramid? The thirst for power...

— The German government strongly supports the Albanian government — The President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, recently received a letter from the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Helmut Kol. The letter states, among other things: Mr. President, esteemed Sir! The Federal Republic of Germany is following the difficult process of reforms in Albania with great interest and sympathy. The Federal Government strongly supports Your government in implementing the necessary political and economic reforms. After the first democratic elections in your country, the letter continues, several concrete projects are being vigorously implemented. I am pleased that 25 million German marks can be secured this year for the economic development of your country. Another welcome achievement of the recent period has been the conclusion of an agreement between Germany and Albania on the exchange of workers. The agreement provides for the possibility of accepting up to 500 workers each year in order to improve their language skills and further their professional qualifications. Once this maximum has been reached, the number of workers accepted each year will automatically be increased under the agreement to 1,000. In addition to its substantial bilateral commitment, the Federal Government is also actively working to bring Albania closer to the European Community and to include your country in its relevant measures. I can assure you that this position will remain unchanged in the future. Among other things, the Federal Government has persistently advocated providing balance-of-payments assistance as well as new food aid. At the end of the letter, Chancellor Helmut Kol assures President Berisha once again that he cares deeply about Albania’s fate. “I hope,” he concludes, “that we will be able to make a contribution toward resolving the problems before you.” Press and Information Office of the President.

Yesterday the Democratic Party delegation, headed by the Party Chairman, Mr. Eduard Selami, returned to Tirana. Its members also included the deputy chairmen Tomor Dosti, Rexhep Uka and Artan Hoxha. The delegation took part in the meeting held in Pezaro, Italy, by the Italian Democratic Party on the occasion of the traditional Feast of Friendship. DP Press and Information Office.

— The SP gripped by the fever of revanchism — D E C L A R A T I O N To the President of the Republic, Mr. SALI BERISHA; To the Chairman of the People’s Assembly, Mr. PJETER ARBNORI To the Prime Minister, Mr. ALEKSANDËR MEKSI The socialist-communist leaders in Përmet, after obtaining a majority on the District Council through questionable votes, are immediately undertaking a series of arbitrary actions, some of which constitute serious violations of the law. We are not referring to the entirely socialist-communist election of the Council Presidium, achieved through the voting mechanism. That is their right. But with this action, the social-communists have undertaken vile and tendentious actions against employees at every level, without yet having the relevant legal basis and authority. 1. Within a few days, before the organizational structure of the District Council administration had been approved, it carried out numerous dismissals and appoint- (Continued on page 2) Market economy, but with roughly equal wages??

Socialists say they accept the market economy, which means a capitalist economy and, indeed, strong competition. But when it comes to this economy being put into practice by the democratic government, they immediately go on the attack and make a noise, as has happened specifically in recent days over the issue of raising the salaries of employees in budget-funded institutions. It is known that this increase will benefit not only ministers and directors of ministerial departments, but teachers and female teachers, doctors and the relevant staff even more. And they, esteemed gentlemen of Socialist propaganda, are not senior civil servants. Or do you want civil servants and teachers to be paid in the old-fashioned way, as they were paid by the monist system for 50 years? Even then it was known how much they suffered: far from their families, travelling along the roads, yet earning only 680–700 lek, when even a corporal earned more than they did—and much more if we also counted clothing or the periods when they received food in addition. But you kept silent, and not only then. When you had an absolute majority in the first pluralist Parliament, it was you who proposed and approved the salaries of military personnel. And they began receiving 2,000–3,000–4,000 lek at a time when even presidents or prime ministers received a salary lower than the wages paid to those who served them. This was as paradoxical as it was ridiculous. A simple guard can in no way be paid more than secondary-school teachers, university teachers or scientists with academic titles and degrees. But you did it solely so that you could have the army as your support at election time. Nevertheless, most military personnel voted for democracy, because they loved Albania more than the army guards. And now you have the nerve to shove the increased salaries (and even this is too little) of teachers and doctors down their throats, when they have no other source of income apart from the very few who may engage in private activities. The democratic government did very well to make this decision and, if possible, should not leave the salaries of this army of employees at this level, but should raise them again in the future, because the country needs educated people, not guards with astronomical salaries. Just as you kept silent about the military, you have remained silent all your lives about the injustices of the Socialist wage system. Let me remind you of one case. On a block-front committee, one of the members, an esteemed man, had been a partisan and a worker at the “Traktori” factory. His pension came to 700 lek (because he had also been an officer without schooling). On top of that he received the 100-lek National Liberation War supplement (rightly so), and as a result this man, (Continued on page 2)

Evil hands reach out to kindle the great fire. With short fuses, two spans high, and with long fuses that are set alight in sparks in the cans beyond the border. Just as hundreds of warehouses were burned down to conceal the traces of thefts committed only a few hours earlier, Albania too risks being plunged into fratricidal conflict, in which everything will be burned to destroy the crimes and the evidence, the guilty and the innocent. This is done in two ways that are visible every day: first, by hastily transferring the burden of guilt onto the fragile shoulders of those who offered to help steer the state through its troubles; and second, by trying to make even those who suffered into sinners. Guilt, guilt, guilt... Thus, confronted by the sense of guilt, head bowed, walking on tiptoe, the member of the Political Bureau who branded people kulaks, and the cruel investigator who grew old and turned white in prison, bear witness in silence and with astonishing post-dictatorial wisdom. And so, the wheel has turned. But when did the sifting take place? When was the national reconciliation achieved? When did God reach down from the heights of heaven and save us? (Is it my fault?...) And should only everyone else remain besmirched? Who benefits from guilt? People do not want living saints; because of our shared human nature, they are undesirable, since they make everyone else feel more ashamed. That is why, in such cases, the crucified die, burned or stoned to death by executioners. We kill them, then build them up again as living figures; they persuade us with something we can learn. It is not difficult to betray, but the traitor has the honesty of one who is united ... Albanian guilt. They were ... ... the Great Plain is also blamed by Albania’s new administrators. They are always right, but a day must come, and soon, when this game too will end. May that beautiful day come when blame can no longer be passed on! No Security officer has the right to demand that the trials begin with the old, cruel collaborators when the Security Service itself has not been touched at all. But why, then, are the faults of the Albanians who lived in the lowlands of hell being sought—the people who ploughed the fields, built villages, built modern neighborhoods, and laid stone upon stone during this half-century? So that Albanians cannot raise their heads, cannot raise their voices, cannot speak of equality among peoples, cannot ... We feel guilty, the parents who ... [unclear] their tongues with their children. Ego ti absolvo! We feel guilty, those who let their comrades be judged at meetings. They valued innocence greatly, but could not stand beside them and let them be punished. Ego ti absolvo! We feel guilty, the intellectuals from whom, because of the depth of their education, one expected enlightenment and guidance. They could not take up the hero’s place, and now the spirits of today are grief and envy on the pages of encyclopedias, where the many heroes, in the course of events, achieve ever greater deeds. Ego ti absolvo! We feel guilty, the ordinary workers who built the pyramid of the Great [Gjallëksojit], sculpted the stones of the monuments of ... ... hanging, from the stone of guilt. We feel guilty, the parents who ... Great [Gjallëksojit], sculpted the stones of the monuments of ... (Continued on page 2)

On Tuesday, in one of the premises of the Ministry of Health and Environmental Protection, a press conference was held for the «Mas-Media» journalists. Deputy Minister Bosim Nuri briefed the journalists present on the state of AIDS in our country. He said that, so far, analyses carried out in our laboratories had found no cases of infection with AIDS. Further, in connection with the National Conference on AIDS, which will be held in Tirana from 29 September to 1 October 1992, he raised the need for our information organizations to raise public awareness about this deadly epidemic. The discussion continued with Doctor Mema Boçi, etc. The journalists present asked many questions about the origin of this disease, its spread around the world, the countries most affected, etc. Questions were also asked about the measures that various authorities and school teaching collectives should take to inform the public about how this disease manifests itself and the ways of protecting against AIDS. SKËNDERMAN [?]

NATIONAL LIBRARY TIRANA Second year of publication No. 190 Friday, 11 September 1992 Price: 3 lek Published every Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday