I don’t know, but the ceremony for replacing the martyred deputies with the «Martyr of Democracy» medal made me recall, as if through a fog, the beginnings of the communist dictatorship. The picture would not have been complete had I not read the reports of the deputies’ trial published at the time in the newspaper «Bashkimi», and had I not watched our television’s excellent program about that trial. It was a time when nationalist deputies were insistently demanding that Albania should not fall under a new dictatorship. We had experienced the period of Zog and the fascist dictatorship. Why, why should this country, where for centuries there had also existed a customary law that was very democratic for its time, fall into the clutches of one-man rule? And who, more than the deputies whom the people had elected as candidates of the Democratic Front, had a duty to rise against the evil that was coming? As deputies, they spoke their minds openly, as deputies do everywhere in the world, protected by the immunity granted to them by the people’s vote. But Enver Hoxha, together with all the comrades who supported him—and many of whom now appear as saints—wanted nothing to do with the people’s will or with democracy. The harshest sentence fell upon honest, courageous people who wanted Albania to be like Europe and not communist Russia: hanging and execution by firing squad. After this massacre, no one would have the courage to oppose the new dictator. Otherwise, the same fate awaited them as awaited many others who stood for democracy throughout the homeland, as well as the victims of the class struggle. For 50 years it did whatever it wanted, however it wanted, and no one dared appeal to an international institution to say that people in Albania were being persecuted because of their origins and ideas. A piece of writing or a headline, if it displeased the dictator, could cost its author their job, lead to their «re-education» in the working class, and later to their transfer to their birthplace. Merit and talent were not even taken into account. That is why the press, and especially the People’s Assembly, were turned into a meeting hall where, unanimously, the false rhetoric embellished the false propaganda about our great «successes». This was the dictatorship we left behind. And yet the Socialists have never openly and honestly analyzed the evils brought about by the party from which they sprang. I saw one of them in the hall where the ceremony was held to decorate the families of the martyrs of democracy. May they be so… Not daring now to rise against the former dictatorship, they have the nerve to attend ceremonies like these simply because they are deputies. Yes, they are deputies on the list of a party that still calls the restoration of rights to those from whom they were snatched for 50 years «revanchism». And it is this same party, born of the mother dictatorship, that today warns that a new dictatorship is being born. But let us make a retrospective comparison. We have described what the communist dictatorship was. Let us see where the new dictatorship of our day is, the one supposedly threatening Albania: — There are many parties, though there are more than Albania needs. — Everyone, not only in Parliament but also in the street, expresses their opinion, even against the President. — Newspapers publish what their editors-in-chief and contributors want, in this newspaper or that. The fact is, not … [text cuts off] (continues on page 2) [Next column, continuation] …of the cadres and of those in power? And can you call one or several mistakes in these purges a dictatorship, when we know very well what that word means? And this «new dictatorship» has turned many former communists into merchants and owners today. Naturally, they took advantage of the transition period. The most capable have made money. Whoever made it through their own ability can enjoy their work and life. No pressure against them, no persecution. Indeed, some—even with a father who was an inquisitor against those who first dared oppose the communist dictatorship—today you can see … [Next column] …in your new branch, alongside your distinguished activities, to bring in as many intellectuals as possible, especially those from «good families», as you call them. And in fact, their rapprochement with the DP had begun in the hall, through a departure from procedural rules: that is, discussions about establishing the branch on one side, and discussions with intellectuals about the country’s problems on the other. These naturally intertwined, as realities do. And there are many questions, because there are many concerns. Mr. Adem Leda is concerned because, for him, the appointments … [Text begins mid-sentence] …of the blood feud, who wanted Albania to belong to Europe and not to be like communist Russia, came the harshest sentence: one would have the courage to stand up to [?] awaited thousands of other martyrs of democracy throughout the homeland. And not only them, but all their families and relatives, because they were all enemies of Albania without having committed any crime?! Faced with the dictator’s macabre vengeance, all his colleagues, including those whom he himself had sentenced to death because he did not trust them, looked on enthusiastically as an Albanian martyred another Albanian in the name of

On 14 October, the chairman of the DP, Mr. Eduart Selami, met with activists and intellectuals from Malësia e Madhe. Also present at the meeting were the chairman of the DP parliamentary group, Mr. Ali Spahia, and the area’s deputy, Mr. Dodë Kacaj. On the occasion of Malësia e Madhe’s separation from Shkodra as a district in its own right, Mr. Kurtulaj stressed that a DP branch should be established for the district. This idea was supported by everyone present in the hall. The following procedure was adopted: a provisional committee of 19 people was formed, comprising prominent DP activists, representatives of the communes, and respected intellectuals, whether or not they were DP members. Mr. Nikolin Narkaj was elected committee chairman. The committee is to organize elections in sections where they have not yet been held, appoint delegates to the conference, and organize the first conference of the Malësia e Madhe branch. The conference was scheduled for 19 November.

On 14 October, the chairman of the DP, Mr. Eduart Selami, met with activists and intellectuals from Malësia e Madhe. Madhe branch. The conference was scheduled for 19 November. Mr. Eduart Selami then took the floor. The chairman of the DP branch for the district … is operating in a situation where the DP is in opposition and we are in the middle of the party’s internal elections. I will call you relatively new in the sense that the procedures you will go through now were completed by us as a party no more than two years ago; on the other hand, sections have also existed within the branch in Shkodra. But for your district, establishing a DP branch is an important moment. It is important from a practical point of view. Through it, you will be able to bring your concerns and problems more prominently before Parliament and the government. Let us bear in mind that the DP’s alternative is the alternative of the … [text garbled]. There are other tasks before us; they are on the scale of the challenges of our time. But alongside these major problems, there are also smaller concerns that need to be resolved. I have learned, for example, that your fuel supply is poor. This is inexcusable. Through the deputy or the local authorities, or by asking the Shkodra municipality for help, transport must be arranged to collect salt in Vlora. These are concerns that become problems as a result of neglect and poor organization of work. We must understand that we are at a historic moment. We are moving from a centralized, unprofitable system based on exploited labor to a new, vertically decentralized system, a society of free labor. In such a society, everyone has equal opportunities, but it is opportunities, not outcomes, that are equal. Outcomes depend on each person’s work. The primary condition is total commitment. Democracy means the free, voluntary participation of the majority in production, profit, governance—everywhere. The DP has stood up for the country at this difficult moment, confident that it will succeed. We will develop Albania here, where we live and strive. And if our efforts are on the right path, then … … affairs in the Malësia e Madhe district are not well understood. Mr. Selami told him that the issue of appointments exists and has, overall, been resolved properly, but mistakes have also been made and must be corrected. For this reason, the DP has left the matter open: tell us where you have made mistakes, put forward deserving young candidates, and it will be corrected. Messrs. Lika and Dull wanted to know how the position toward the «monists» had been conceived and why the DP had tolerated and indulged them. Mr. Selami stressed that the DP has accepted diversity of opinion, which exists even after the monists’ departure. But diversity of opinion has nothing in common with opposition within the party. Those who, when they did not get the posts they thought they deserved, turned against the party were not prevented by one person or another; the National Council decides through the voting mechanism. At the last meeting of the National Council, they presented a new platform and political line that they sought to impose on the Council, but they failed. The majority decides, and its will is decisive. On the other hand, the DP does not flatter anyone, but tolerance is one of the DP’s principles. It will continue to be so in the future. Ludovik Elezi expressed concern that funds for their district were being used by the Shkodra district. Ilir Çome said that at this moment democracy must be understood apart from personal interests and seen as a national obligation. Those who complain are much better off than others who are supporting the reform with conviction. Mr. Selami sa- … …more when we have so much work to do. The residents of Koplik were interested in the issue of land division. In connection with this, Mr. Spahia clarified that the land would be divided under the existing law, proportionally according to the number of people in each household. We went into the election with this law in our program on March 22, and the people supported us. We will not deviate from our program. Anyone who does not support this program should find their place elsewhere. The amendment being prepared merely supplements the law; it does not change its essence, LORENC LIGORI

of the PS in Pogradec — The local government is being swept clean of every Democrat with an iron broom. — Former PP secretaries are at the head of the local government. — The leaders of the Enver Association are in power and all-powerful. — The former head of the DPM and of SHIK, removed during the reform, is appointed inspector for defense and public order. — Can the PS be called renewed when it puts communist Enverists at the head of the local government? — The PS itself is blocking the local government; it is deliberately blocking the reform. On 24.9.1992, when a meeting of the District Council had been scheduled, the DP group’s councillors and the representatives of the PSD and PR, in a joint statement, pointed out shortcomings in the procedure for convening and publicizing the meeting and for presenting the materials. With regard to the agenda, they requested that a report on the district executive’s activities be added and that the meeting be postponed and the materials completed in accordance with legal requirements. The Socialists, however, did not consider this an obstacle and held the meeting in the absence of councillors from the other political forces. The structure of the district council’s administration was approved at this meeting. What was evident was not an effort to ensure the administration’s normal functioning, but the creation of opportunities to place PS members within its various units. In accordance with this structure, the district council chairman appointed administrative staff, with party affiliation as the determining criterion. Whereas the previous committee had four section heads who belonged to different political parties, seven section heads who were PS members were appointed to the district council administration. Thus, the head of the agriculture section, Mr. P. Gërxhalliu, a non-party intellectual and agronomist with a strong professional and moral reputation, appointed only three months earlier, was dismissed without any justification and replaced by the party loyalist G. Tola, a zootechnician who had spent more than ten years in the executive committee’s administration. Appointments in this section were made without any criteria, with the aim of finding jobs for PS members, unjustifiably reducing the number of cadastral employees by half despite the section’s known workload. In addition, the section was left without a veterinarian, solely in order to remove the previous veterinarian because he had thrown away his PS membership card and refused to be a member. One of the leaders of the Enver Association, comrade S. Pollo, was appointed head of the organization section, replacing Mr. A. Burnazi, a district councillor and PSD representative, who had successfully organized two election campaigns and had been appointed by consensus among the district’s political forces. S. Topçiu was appointed head of the education section. He had worked in that section for more than eight years and replaced S. Ambo, appointed a few months earlier, the only PR representative in this administration and also a district councillor. This was despite the fact that Pogradec was among the few districts where schools had all started classes normally. The former head of the PB branch and later head of SHIK, removed from office in the reform and placed on assistance, was appointed inspector for defense and public order. The same can be said of the trade, finance, statistics, planning and other sections. Yet undoubtedly the most striking appointment was that of comrade Aurel Duka, a devoted PS member, as head of the culture section; he was caught by the police in the dark of night, painting graffiti on the facades of the city building. (Continued on page 3) Immediately after the elections, the wind of revanchism began to blow among the socialists, as they set about dividing the spoils of victory in the local elections. Once the election results were announced, the communists began openly threatening representatives of the Democratic Party (PD), as well as members and sympathizers of these forces holding various positions in state enterprises. Given that the Socialist Party (PS) in Pogradec is represented mainly by careerists, among them some of the most extreme, it is easy to understand that these calls, born of a communist revanchist instinct, would take hold in the local government and its activities. At the very first meeting of the District Council, it became clear that they would not concern themselves with the serious economic and social problems whose resolution they had promised during the campaign; that they had no intention of putting this government to work implementing economic reform and upholding legality, but would instead, in accordance with decisions of the PP(S) bureau, implement the revanchist platform and, at the same time, try to steer the work of this body into a dead end, as part of the general socialist-communist program to destabilize the situation in the country. At this meeting, the district council chairman elected was a party loyalist who, up to that point, had not been selected by the PP apparatus to staff the offices with instructors and secretaries, who would pull—and are indeed pulling—the levers of this body. A former PP secretary was elected deputy chairman, and the executive committee was elected, with an Enverist majority among its members, represented by former PP officials such as the former PP instructor and former secretary Pagësor Zeneli. The society’s favorite, Gjelë, for whom the structure approved by the government is not respected, is appointed deputy chairman; the PP(S) mouthpiece and chairman of the Eurosocialists, Aurel Duka, and other figures of this kind are also appointed. This communist clique, called the district executive committee, began, in violation of legal provisions, to make appointments and dismissals among the management councils of enterprises and their directors, installing communist-socialists everywhere and dismissing employees and intellectuals who were unaffiliated or members of other political forces. Thus, at the trading enterprise, its director, who had no party affiliation and had been appointed by the Provisional District Executive Committee, was dismissed without any stated reason.

— False accusations of a new dictatorship — — People are free to work wherever they want. They can even travel on an Albanian passport, with a foreign visa, to any country. And not only the leaders and those in power, as happened under the dictatorship. — Elections are held without pressure, even during difficult periods, such as the beginning of the reform. — Former partisans are honored as brave fighters who wanted a free and democratic Albania, but not those who still yearn for the dictator and his fratricidal era. — All martyrs are honored with devotion, regardless of their ideals, because they fell for what they believed to be their free land. These and many other things of equal importance are, apparently, the new dictatorship being born in Albania, about which the Socialists talk so much! Can hanging, killing, torture, the internment of families and the branding of people as «an enemy with a bad biography» be compared with leaving some communist apparatchiks out of the leading posts in ministries and government? of the transition period. The most capa-