a trial between dictatorship and democracy More than 200 days have passed since the bloodshed in Shkodra, where the court [text unclear] found innocent my comrade from the demonstrations of that time, Arben Broci. Since then, the enigma and dust of oblivion have covered Albanian justice, dominated by the Communists, while today the long-awaited trial opens its proceedings against five defendants, accused as the moral and legal catalysts of the crime. Just after 2 April, the journalist Rudolf Marku had written a tragic scenario of the event, which was strangely consigned to oblivion. But it must never be forgotten that two of Rudolf's accused, Xh. Dymylja and C. Taci, are now in the dock, vindicating RD's article from that time. To speak about a trial, one must respect the circumstances of the crime and the defendants' social situation at the time. It was 31 March 1991, the day of the Communists' victory. The Communists' enthusiasm over their victory was very great, especially in the country's main cities, where the Democrats predominated. Shkodra was of particular importance because it was highly exposed as an anti-Communist district, so the Communists held Shkodra «as the apple of their eye». In this sense, the security officials and, above all, the Labour Party leaders were ready to take revenge on the Democrats defeated in the elections by any means. This explains the relationship between C. Taci and Xh. Dymylja at the time of the crime. It also explains the readiness of the leaders in Tirana to send a warning telegram (meaning: a threat) to Shkodra; it explains the unjustified killing of the four martyrs and the disinformation spread through RTV. It also explains the stance of the Communist deputies, who refused to stand for one minute of silence in honour of those who had fallen. All this happened because the traces of the crime were not only in Shkodra; they were in Ramiz Alia's own Presidential Council, which coordinated the anti-democratic moves to conceal the crime. A branch chief such as C. Taci, openly proclaimed a right-wing Enverist, with not only anti-democratic but also nationalist tendencies (division between south and north), and with experience working against «enemy groups» and using terror in Kukës and later in Shkodra, could hardly hesitate or show even the slightest tolerance during the massacre of 2 April. The deployment of the military was ordered precisely by him and Xh. Dymylja. The exchanges expressing distrust between C. Taci and Dilaver Papare in the courtroom, and the accused Taci's repeated, extreme and utterly unprincipled attitude at the trial, convince one of his innocence in the extremely negative role he played in the events of 2 April. The soldiers and police officers who fired were among the most trusted members of the PPSH. Otherwise, how could they have been entrusted with sniper rifles? How could the names of those who entrusted them with these extremely important weapons not have been recorded? How were they allowed to leave the country? Why have the defendants still not named them in the courtroom? Who else but the Taci–Dymylja duo had such extensive authority (at that time) to give the order to fire on the crowd? Why did the whole tragedy take place right in front of the district KP, where both defendants were present? How was the filming camera made to disappear, and who can assure us today that the recorded footage was actually reviewed? Why did this criminal duo leave through the building's back doors without identifying those firing sniper rifles and other police weapons? Why did they so barbarically compose the TV report, and is it credible that at the time they did not report everything to Tirana? Why were the telegrams from H. Shyty and other superiors in Tirana concealed, and why was the [text unclear] allowed to begin its investigation only four days after the massacre? Everyone except C. Taci has made statements to the press while under arrest. His colleague Dymylja has also remained silent, while the others have unlawfully tried to justify themselves and condemn the organs of justice. The Shkodra trial is not simply an examination of the case of four innocent victims; it is a trial between a failing dictatorship and the peaceful democracy that was being reborn. In this sense, the defendants' guilt has nothing to do with abuse of office, but with open genocide, concealment and organization of the crime. These constitute the necessary grounds for convicting them as those legally and illegally responsible for the 2 April massacre. RD correspondent

- Half of this amount will be disbursed immediately, the other half at the beginning of 1993 - The EC thereby recognizes the progress of economic reform in Albania - Europe recognizes the foreign policy of our state, led by President Berisha - Europe pre-emptively thwarts the pseudo-democrats' efforts to isolate Albania - Half of this amount will be disbursed immediately, the other half at the beginning of 1993 - The EC thereby recognizes the progress of economic reform in Albania - Europe recognizes the foreign policy of our state, led by President Berisha - Europe pre-emptively unblocks the efforts of the pseudo-democrats to isolate Albania During this difficult winter, Europe once again showed that Albanians will not be alone on their path toward their historic undertaking for peace, progress and economic well-being. Europe thus showed that it will realistically appreciate the great sacrifices made by its peoples and support them with its substantial economic and financial resources. The European Community's expression of this serious commitment to democratic processes in Albania and its recognition of the progress of economic reform found concrete expression in the agreement signed on 10 December by Albania's Minister of Economy and Finance, Mr Gene Ruli, and the European Community's Vice-President, Mr Cristoferson. The EC had in fact previously decided to grant our country 90 million dollars in aid to cover the deficit in the wage fund, scholarships [text unclear]. Mr Ruli and Mr Cristoferson signed the agreement that allowed this sum to be disbursed: half immediately and the remainder at the beginning of 1993. This act shows that Europe is concerned about the normal progress of [text unclear]. Secondly, Europe recognizes the work and direction of our Government and our policies during this difficult period of economic hardship. This enables our people to look to their future with greater optimism, to trust and support their government and the people in that government who are steering the reform under circumstances that are difficult not only economically, but historically as well. This means that Europe not only recognizes the policy of our state, led by President Berisha, as a policy detached from modern European principles [text unclear], but as a policy that derives from modern European principles; it also supports it as right and contemporary. This EC aid to the Albanian people makes the complaints of AD politicians—that Albania's participation as a member of the Islamic Conference would isolate it from Europe—so worthless and ridiculous. It makes the childish definitions offered by some mediocre analysts with a Communist mentality in our country, claiming that friendship with Arab peoples would narrow the circle of friendship and alliance with the peoples of our continent, seem equally foolish. At the same time, it makes the barbaric and profoundly anti-democratic statements of certain circles [text continues outside frame], chauvinist in the Balkans, about the supposedly dangerous positioning of our democratic state's policy against its neighbours, all the more absurd. Ultimately, the EC recognizes our state's political orientation as sound and acceptable to this major organization, with its great economic, developmental and social potential. For this, our people remain deeply grateful for the generosity and democracy of Europe. MUJË BUCAPAJ to overcome the wage deficit, while Mr. Ruli said: “Cristoferson is signing an agreement that allows this amount to be revised: half of it immediately and the rest is concerned about the normal progress of economic and political processes in Albania, seeing it as a serious partner that is working with great diligence and commitment from the whole population to escape the clutches into which the communist regime pushed Albania. With this generous gesture, the EC brought us a message of hope, encouraging first of all our democratic Government to continue consistently along the path of reform (the sole condition for this aid of 90 million dollars), and also…

On 10.12.1992, a meeting of the leadership of the PDSH was held. At this working meeting, the tasks arising from the issues raised at the National Council of the Democratic Party were reviewed, concerning reform as a whole and, in particular, the field of justice. RD correspondent

On 9.12.1992, a meeting of the Tirana DP branch was held. It was the first meeting after the Conference. The meeting emphasized intensifying the Party's work and strengthening the branch's links with its sections and rank-and-file members, so that the voices of Party members and the democratic electorate would be heard more promptly and clearly, and the branch's activities reflected in their entirety. To this end, six commissions were established, with all branch members taking part and one person appointed to lead each commission. They will bring together around themselves intellectuals, activists and supporters of the Democratic Party. It was further emphasized that all our activities should be carried out according to a well-detailed programme. «In the final conclusion», the revitalization of the Party's work was underscored, so that Tirana could speak out forcefully and positively influence the life of the whole country and the entire policy of the Democratic Party. At this Conference [text continues outside the frame], six commissions were also defined as follows: the Village Commission; the Reform and Arithmetic [text unclear]; the Party Propaganda Commission; the Administrative Reform Commission; the Organization Reform Commission; and the Commission for Relations with various political associations. At the end, the meeting of the Tirana branch elected Mr Njazi Kosorvasti as deputy chairman and Mr Shaban Memia as secretary. DYLEJMAN KARAJ

«ED»: From what you know about the events of 2 April and what you are seeing at this court hearing, what do you think about the fate of the truth? One year ago, on 2 April 1991, an urgent telegram arrived at the DP headquarters in Tirana from Pjetër Arbnori, chairman of the Shkodra DP branch. As in every telegram, there were few words. «Here, our comrades have been killed. Arben Broci, while trying to disperse among the angry people over the ab- [the rest of the text is outside the frame]. An opinion from the courtroom On the fate of the truth «RD»: From what you know about the events of 2 April and what you are seeing at this court hearing, what do you think about the fate of the truth? ...the absurd victory of Communism on 31 March, [he] was shot in the back. I don't know why these cases came to mind. I looked at the faces of the accused in court and could not overcome my hatred. Perhaps what I am writing is not very democratic, but these are feelings that arise in the moment, and I cannot restrain them. They said they were innocent. And not only that: they repeated it loudly (I know no other word to describe what criminals dare to express); even today they manage to call the victims guilty. O God, however merciful you may be, do not let the word democracy serve criminals as a means of casting the ashes of oblivion over innocent blood. Hairedin Shyti, former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, dares to present the political crimes committed on his and his government's orders (which he covers up today) as something lawful and normal. Can this be endured? He even dares— democrats, why do we not uphold the principles of human rights? I do not want to write about the “arguments” he presents in the courtroom regarding his telegrams and those of Gramoz Ruci, in which there is talk of “enemies,” victories and successes for R. Alia’s Party, but something else comes to mind. He said he had used the word “enemy” to refer to foreigners who had distributed dollars during the campaign and the two election rounds. It is known that in the second round two parties were in a runoff: PD and Nano’s PP. So, for whom had the “enemies” distributed the dollars—for PP or PD? Among the defendants one can see tragicomic characters: conviction-driven criminals like H. Shyti and frightened sycophants like the Shkodër police chief at the time. The presiding judge plays the role of the ignorant and innocent man. But who are the criminals? Only the policemen who fired? No! Certainly not! Those in the dock owe us a debt of blood, but they are not the only ones. There are also other lackeys who so often hid behind the words “we were following orders,” as well as the real culprits—the ones who gave those orders and who sit silently today, such as R. Alia, F. Nano, G. Ruçi. (Continued on page 4)

«ED»: From what you know about the events of 2 April and what you are seeing at this court hearing, what do you think about the fate of the truth? «ED»: do you think about the fate of the truth? PAULIN PALI, secretary of the anti-Communist association «13 December 1990»: - I think the guilty parties will never be brought to light, because so much time has passed. Even if they were found, the guilty parties would not admit anything, because in our country, meanwhile, many, many changes have taken place. (Continued on page 4)

In both trials held in Shkodër, both the previous one and the one taking place these days, there has been talk of several snipers positioned at the most commanding locations. Their purpose is known. Their number and names are also known. Only one thing is not known: Why are they absent from the courtroom today? If they are not to sit in the dock, will they at least appear as witnesses? Z. LL.

The day before yesterday, a question-and-answer session with Prime Minister Meksi on local-government issues was held at the People’s Assembly. In answering questions put by deputies from the Socialist parliamentary group, Mr. Meksi explained at the outset that, regarding reform of local-government bodies, the government had set up a working group which, in cooperation with foreign specialists, organized seminars and consultations to draft the relevant law. The main principle of this law, which has been adopted, is local autonomy and self-government. But, of course, given the lack of experience, local government cannot be established and function perfectly in a short time. The Government is therefore making efforts to improve the law on local-government bodies and to make this level of government fully effective. The Prime Minister answered about 25 questions concerning the powers of local government, its independence from central bodies, the division of property among municipalities, districts and communes, the creation of directorates for specific issues in the districts, budget matters, the appointment of committee secretaries, etc. In response to these questions, Mr. Meksi said: “I do not think local-government bodies are blocked, notwithstanding some allegations that have been made. We are working to improve them further by organizing regional and national seminars on these issues.” After the Prime Minister’s answers, the deputies who had asked the questions presented their comments. Deputy Brokaj said that the Government had centralized the state and blocked local government in order to make governing easier for itself. Many orders and decisions have been issued that contradict the law. The paralysis of local-government bodies has resulted from the failure to divide up powers. Restrictions on powers should be imposed only by law. H. Lalaj said that the Government was taking powers it had not previously had. It is said that land has been distributed across around 90 percent of the area; this is not true. Economic reform cannot be carried out without the cooperation of the council and central government with local government. Sh. Çani said that with the cre-

A congratulatory message on the national holiday of the Republic of Albania, sent to Mr. Sali Berisha by President Fransua Miteran, together with the many activities currently taking place in Albania, provides concrete evidence of a new, intensive development in efforts to foster the longstanding traditions of friendship between the Albanian and French peoples. - A congratulatory message on the national holiday of the Republic of Albania, sent to Mr. Sali Berisha by President Fransua Miteran, together with the many activities currently taking place in Albania, provides concrete evidence of a new, intensive development in efforts to foster the longstanding traditions of friendship between the Albanian and French peoples, and of an improvement in relations between the two countries. The words of recognition and good wishes expressed in the message—that Albania should succeed in the difficult task before it of laying the foundations of a new Albania, and of introducing and implementing deep economic and social reforms for this purpose—and the wish that the bonds of friendship and trust linking the two countries be strengthened and intensified in the future, so as to help Albania in this undertaking, take on even greater meaning in the context of the calendar of joint Franco-Albanian activities of recent days. Yesterday, the traditional seminar entitled “Hyperontia and arterial sweetening,” organized by the France-Albania Medical Association, began in Tirana. In (Continued on page 2)

To judge properly what is being tried these days in Shkodër, and not only in Shkodër (the Albanian public and beyond are being informed about it through the mass media), we often need to go back to the days of April ’91. On the morning of April 2, ’91, I saw with my own eyes a telling scene in front of the building of the former Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labour: the diehards of “R. Alia’s party,” officers, security men, etc., gripped by the fever of “victory,” had nearly descended into schizophrenia and Pavlovian reactions. Some of them even snarled at several actors from the People’s Theatre (the one that had released PD supporters), who were passing by, rushing at them and nearly tearing the sleeves off their shirts and dresses. And so, in a frenzy of delusion and fanaticism, the leaders of the party and government of Ramiz Alia at that time also acted and gave orders. Here, in this regard, is the telegram of April 1 from Hajredin Shytti, sent to the PB branches in the districts, which set out his official, delirious predictions of victory for R. Alia’s party by 2–3, and especially the phrase “...let us show them their place”,

the proper way to deal with enemies and wrongdoers.” In the context of everything described above, this phrase alone would suffice to declare the Shkodër trial logically concluded. The theory of “teaching them a lesson” was what guided the rulers of that time. “A stick tames a bear, not a human being,” and force seems to have been used precisely against those who needed to be “taught a lesson”—that is, PD supporters and other democratic forces who did not accept the 2–3 victory of R. Alia’s party. De facto, these were the “enemies” and wrongdoers, according to the official phraseology of Mr. Shyti, and not the ridiculous explanation he gave at trial. Thus, in those tense days, the “victors’” logic accepted and legitimized, and was prepared for, a “strong” “clash,” even involving the use of weapons. The language of those few words, “sworn” in the archives of their former offices, speaks clearly of this—mini- (Continued on page 4)

Prime Minister Meksi answers questions concerning the functioning of local government (Continued on page 3)