— MR. BERISHA DECLARES IN BRUSSELS — — I discussed Albania’s economic situation and the political situation in the region at length with Mr. Delor. I described to Mr. Delor all the developments in economic reform in general, the determination of the government as a whole and of the political forces to pursue the reform. Naturally, I also spoke to him about the threats posed by the situation in the region and their impact on the progress of this reform. I can say that we were of the same opinion on all the issues we discussed. Mr. Delor once again confirmed the readiness and determination of the European Community to support Albania on the path of reform, to find new ways of supporting our country during this very difficult stage we are going through. I am very satisfied with the conversation I had with Mr. Delor, said President Berisha at the end of his interview with the television reporter.

On the 15th, the third meeting of the CSCE Council of Foreign Ministers opened in Stockholm. The session opened with a welcoming speech by the Prime Minister of Sweden, the host country and, at the same time, the country assuming the rotating chairmanship of the CSCE for 1993. At the afternoon session, under the agenda item “CSCE action to resolve regional crises,” the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Albania, Alfred Serreqi, also took the floor.

FROM THE SPEECH OF MR. ALFRED SERREQI Madam Chair, First, allow me to thank you and your staff for the excellent arrangements you have made for this meeting. [The text continues with:] the international commitments of the past, Greater Serbia continues to be on their minds. Pursuing this idea would plunge the entire Balkans into a conflagration with consequences and losses of immeasurable…

Following the Shkodër trial on television We know that the accused are not the direct killers, that it was not their weapons that opened fire on the people of Shkodër on April 2, but still: they are more than killers. They are members of the command staff that ordered the killing. Deputy Minister Shty, through that instructive communist telegram, called for the ranks to be tightened in order to find the weapons. Çapajev Taqi shouted “hurrah” for victory in the election. Dilaver Paparija said, “Act,” and after those words the rubber bullets began to crack, followed by bullets spilling blood. Xhemal Dymylja, who had returned on a special assignment from the Central Committee, stayed shut up in the Party Committee and, strangely, limited himself to one phone call, while communications by fax or telephone from the executive committee and the internal affairs branch were incessant. Had the Party, the district’s leading authority, cut off its links with the center, or had the center in Tirana erased the documents? In this leadership group of violence, even Gjekaj, the deputy, claims to know nothing and does not feel guilty for the killings. I would say that they are accomplices in this premeditated and organized crime. First of all, because they often invoke the view that we had orders to enforce the law. But in what way? Why use bullets against the innocent population when people were calm? Why shoot at those from whom you had gone to ask for help? Let us accept that the bullets were an abuse of duty. That is, a grave error, a crime. You, gentlemen who led that murderous escort, if you did not agree with that bloodshed, why did you not order all the forces concentrated in the battle square to be isolated and their weapons collected? The weapons should have been examined immediately, and every effort made to find the bullets, if they were not some special weapons that leave no bullets?! You had experience. It is the police’s duty to create all the conditions for the investigation to proceed. But you deliberately failed to do so. Today you even have the audacity to ask specialists for technical details—not about the bullet’s entry point, not about why a probe is not inserted into the wound—when you left the specialists alone, without a forensic expert, without an investigator, without police support. You have left no evidence of your meetings standing, because you do not want any trace to be found. And even one bullet that was found—no one knows where it went?! If you were human beings and not mere transmission belts for the decisions of the monster Party, you would not have let those who fired get away, and you would not have insisted on finding the organizers of the silent demonstration. You would not have arrested innocent people from among the public; you would have told the investigators: here you are, these are the ones who fired! You did not do this because you know that neither the General Investigation Directorate, nor the Party you hold dear, nor President Alia, nor Mr. Nano, nor Mr. Ruçi are asking this of you. Even without being told—perhaps—you had enough instinct to understand their unspoken wish or order: that every trace be erased, that the hands which shot the martyrs of democracy not be precisely identified. Nevertheless, the identification is perfectly clear: the actual shooters have not been found, only a blind bullet, but you are members of the escort that issued the order to kill. Do not be surprised. April 2 is not a new tactic of the Party of Labour, which throws the stone and hides its hand. When the right to passports for travel abroad was granted and the penalty for crossing the border was reduced from 8 or more years to 5 years or a fine, the border guards’ automatic weapons took so many lives. Nevertheless, there is no written document or order with (Continued on page 4)

For days, the Shkodër trial has kept thousands upon thousands of people glued to their television screens. Everyone waits anxiously. Honest people ask: will the truth come out? Will the criminals be exposed? Bardhyli, despite trying to cover his tracks, exposed himself. He even denied the bullet found in the victim’s body and brought to the internal affairs branch. And the police commander is also… [The original text is cut off and contains unclear wording.] The truth is stronger than a lie. Let us take one concrete fact from the courtroom. Witness Xhemal Uruçi said that Dilaver Paparja ordered over the radio that action be taken. And immediately—

FROM THE SPEECH OF MR. ALFRED SERREQI Madam Chair, staff for the excellent facilities and preparations you provided for this meeting. The role of the CSCE participating States in their efforts to find solutions to the complicated problems of the Yugoslav crisis is commendable. Bearing in mind what it can do, the Albanian Delegation hopes that the meeting will further define timely positions and be characterized by concrete common positions. There have been a series of important international events: the Helsinki Summit, the international conference on the former Yugoslavia, and the meetings and resolutions of the UN Security Council have continued to make reference to, and take action against, the authorities in Belgrade, while the latter have continued to violate their commitments under international law. Greater Serbia continues to occupy their thoughts. Pursuit of this idea will drag the whole Balkans into a conflagration with unforeseeable results and consequences. During these months, new incidents have occurred every day, causing profound difficulties for the Albanian government and people. Serbian nationalism has given clear signs of its intentions to start a new conflict in the south. At a time when the Serbian side is boycotting dialogue with the Albanian delegation of Kosovo, the Albanians nevertheless continue along their peaceful path. Albanians are being attacked openly, while the population is showing restraint. Further south, in Macedonia, which is awaiting recognition, Albanians are being killed by the Macedonian police. Nor are the Albanians (Continued on page 4)

The meeting of the CSCE Ministers of Foreign Affairs concluded in Stockholm, where the relevant decisions were discussed and adopted on a range of important issues concerning the CSCE’s structures and role, its cooperation with international organizations, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the integration of new participating States, and applications for admission to the CSCE. Particular attention was devoted to intensifying CSCE activity to resolve regional conflicts, with the Yugoslav crisis and the aggression in Bosnia-Herzegovina taking center stage. The CSCE foreign ministers defined the activities of the UN and of the Peace Conference on the former Yugoslavia and expressed their determination to take stronger action against the authorities in Belgrade. They stressed that the request to lift the embargo on Bosnia-Herzegovina should be considered at the UN as an important issue. The question of Kosovo and the situation in the region were among the topics to which considerable attention was paid. In their statements, numerous delegations expressed concern over the further deterioration of the situation of the Albanians and called for preventive measures to avert a conflict that would have consequences for the region. As a result of the active work of the Albanian delegation, with the support of the «Friends of Bosnia» group, a number of new commitments addressing the Kosovo issue in its three aspects were included in the final document— (Continued on page 4)

These days, the «Grand Jury of International Assessment» in Paris named the distinguished Albanian writer, Ismail Kadare, «Personality of the Year». This distinction is awarded to eminent personalities, including heads of state, writers and artists, and scientists in various fields, whose work stands out in contemporary society as a contribution to humanism and global progress. With this award, which has been given every year since 1970, great writers from around the world and France have been honored, including Garcla Marore, Alberto Moravia, Milan Kundera, Heinrich Böll, Saul Below, Eughen Jonesco, Marguerit Yourcenar and Solzhenicin, etc. As stated in the statutes of this renowned international institution, the award is given to those personalities «whose lives, prestige, efforts and activity leave a distinctive mark on human endeavor at the national and international level». (ATSH)

For days, the Shkodër trial has kept thousands upon thousands of people glued to their television screens. Everyone waits anxiously. Decent who carried out the massacre be exposed? Those steeped in crime say fearfully: could any evidence still be left? Those who devised the massacre’s scenario ask: will it hold up to the end? On the screen: the court panel, the defendants, defense lawyers, Fatmir? of the martyrs, and the witnesses. The court panel will uncover the truth. It does not want to wrong anyone, since its conscience would torment it for the rest of its life; but we also want the crime uncovered—that is its duty. This is a political trial, and the burden on the court panel charged with judging it is heavy. Will they be able to unravel it? They are judging five people, while an entire people is judging them. May God give them the strength to uncover the truth and punish the real criminals. The defendants are there to defend themselves... They are in a difficult position because they want to cover up the crime; we want to expose the masterminds behind this massacre as well. Nevertheless, all the facts have been erased by the red mafia and by those who are themselves members of the mafia, to please them. The same goes for those who tremble. But what is the accusation against the defendants? It exists, but it is covered by the blood of many crimes. The defense lawyers sit as if paralyzed. It is not easy for them to defend their clients, because the crime can be read in the defendants’ eyes. The families of the dead are waiting for the truth to be uncovered. They are not seeking revenge, but they will never allow this trial to be closed by giving token sentences to a few scapegoats. They will demand that the real criminals be exposed: those who gave the orders for this massacre to be carried out, and that the guilty receive the punishment they deserve. There are many different witnesses. The witnesses who were involved in the organization of the red nomenklatura are cunning, insincere and cowardly. They try to cover up even the traces left by the criminals. This was evident in the testimony of the doctor of the criminal B. Bardhyl Qifti, and the officer Isuf even denied the bullet found in the victim’s body, which had made its way to the Department of Internal Affairs. The police chief, who still works today at the Ministry of Public Order, also tried to cover his tracks but could not. At first, he said that he had received an order to send out the special police squad and had done so. He also said that he had received an order to go with his policemen to the Party Committee and had set off. But when asked whether the policemen were armed, he first said no, then said that the policemen had taken 5–6 automatic rifles without his permission. He said that his car had been hit with stones by the crowd and had stopped at the Polyclinic. The agitated people asked him, “Where are you going? Are you going to kill more people?” The driver, according to Isuf, was wounded and disappeared without a trace. Isufi told the crowd that they were returning to the department, but an unidentified driver took the police car, and Isufi, instead of returning to the department as he had promised the citizens, continued toward his destination, the Party Committee, because he was determined to carry out his chief’s orders. He was not telling the truth when he said that he encountered no obstacles on his way to the Party Committee. Why does Mr. Isuf not say that he went there amid automatic-gun fire? And when he arrived at the PC, he found his chief, Gjek Çela, and Gjek assigned him a task—why does he not say what instructions Gjek gave him and how Commander Isufi carried them out? Why does Isufi not say which of the policemen took the ammunition, when it was established that the Party Committee’s policemen fired live ammunition at the crowd? There were also sambistas there who were shooting. Who was the man in the beige overcoat who slaughtered the crowd? Did Mr. Isuf himself fire? We ask Mr. Bardhyl and Mr. Isuf: why do you not tell the truth? Why are you trying to cover up the traces left after the crime? Is indoctrination holding you back? Or are you afraid of the red mafia?! We urge you to find the courage to come and tell the court panel all the orders you received from your superiors. Put indoctrination aside. Communism is dead. Shake off your fear and tell only the truth. The real witnesses, who were tortured and wounded, recount the events as they happened. And one concrete example from the courtroom. Witness Xhemal Uruçi said that Dilaver Paparia gave the order over the radio to take action. Immediately, the police opened fire on the crowd. Dilaver tried to deny it and asked the witness, “So I am the one who caused the massacre?” “Yes,” the witness replied, “because if you had not given the order, the massacre would not have happened.” Then Dilaver was honest and said: “Yes, but if I had not given the order to take action, wouldn’t I have been punished?” That was all Dilaver said before sitting down and covering his face with both hands. This shows that Dilaver had received orders from Çapajev Taci to carry out this «slaughterhouse» according to the scenario drawn up on April 1 in the red dome. The court must pay close attention to everything Dilaver Paparia said. Dilaver is different from the other four defendants. A spark of conscience remains in him, though it has been extinguished by the blood of crimes. Something is tormenting Dilaver. He wants to confess, but they have frightened him by threatening his life, and perhaps his children’s lives too. Dilaver should be kept apart from the other defendants. He should be told not to be afraid, because the red mafia’s days are numbered. He should be told that confessing is in his own interest and to his credit as a citizen. After the court sessions are shown on television, people discuss the Shkodër trial—in cafés, in the street, at home and at work. Opinions and discussions about this trial vary. They reflect people’s interests and political convictions. The red criminals say that the court is condemning innocent people and violating human rights. But they forget that they themselves are criminals and should be in the dock. The Reds say, “They won’t be convicted; they’ll only get fines,” and start making ironic remarks. But they do not realize that they are insulting all those who, along with their families, have suffered at the hands of the red dictatorship, morally and materially. Others say these criminals (Continued on page 4)