Request submitted at the plenary session of 6.1.93 We ended the year of work with no few achievements and are in the first days of 1993. If much has been done in many areas, I think the fight against speculation and speculators has been far too weak; against those who smashed, destroyed and burned entire cities and even burned living people in the fires they started; against those who amassed wealth by dishonest means and secured unjust gains through illegal methods, which today they count not by ones and tens, but by hundreds of millions. In the fight against these phenomena, the commitment of all the branches of power in Albania has not been what it should have been, so much so that among the honest strata of the population the question naturally arises: when will the guilty be punished? We must admit that in this regard our work as parliamentarians has also not been at the required level; nor has the work of the parliament’s permanent or temporary committees; the work of the executive bodies at every level; the work and commitment of the justice authorities and, finally, the contribution of what is often called the fourth estate—that is, the press. I want to make a general appeal for all these branches of power to engage on a united front in a serious fight during 1993 against corruption; against forgers and freebooters; against those who for decades have siphoned off the fruits of other people’s toil and sweat by devious methods, while during the past two years they have almost openly burned, destroyed, stolen and enriched themselves. They took goods and livestock from the former agricultural cooperatives; raw materials, machinery and equipment from enterprises; loans, money and export and import licences; they took vehicles and equipment from army and law-enforcement units; took some of the best land and built on it illegally; sold thousands of buildings and fixed assets at very low prices, sharing the profits with the buyers. And today, as if defying the democratic rule of law, they are not only escaping the punishment they deserve but, on the contrary, continue to roam freely and enrich themselves without fear and without limit. For this general and entirely visible picture of this extensive mafioso process, today I want to raise a very specific matter concerning this part of the range of speculative, anti-Albanian and criminal activities, believing that the… It is impossible to exhaust all the issues systematically; they must be taken up one case at a time. I am referring to the destruction, looting of goods and burning of nearly half the state enterprises in the city of Pogradec, 10 months ago, when enormous material losses were caused. To this day, apart from some partial inspections by the State Audit Office, nobody has dealt with this matter and no action has been taken against anyone. As far as I know, the situation is the same regarding the mass fires in the city of Lushnjë and the bread revolt in the city of Fushë-Arrëz, where the material damage should not even be weighed against the lives of dozens of innocent victims, who were engulfed in the flames of the dreadful fire. Without any doubt, these fires were set and fuelled by those who wanted to cover their tracks with its smoke and ashes, while using the soot and smoke to blacken and darken democracy. Analyzing the case of Pogradec, I would say that tolerating this situation amounts to silently approving the concealment of criminal acts and creates distrust among honest people in social justice and the rule of law. It is understandable that this undertaking is not easy, because there are still many elements continuing to vegetate within the state authorities who are not inclined to uncover the traces of crime, as well as those who are seeking premature solutions so as not to give this parliament and the democratic government the time and opportunity to pursue the discovery of the perpetrators to the end. Faced with this inaction by the rule-of-law state, and in fulfilment of our obligation to the people, I request that, concerning the events in Pogradec, Lushnjë and Fushë-Arrëz, the heads of the State Audit Office, the Ministry of Public Order, SHIK, the Ministry of Defence and the General Prosecutor’s Office be summoned before a special parliamentary committee or one of Parliament’s permanent committees to explain the crimes committed in these cities. They should also be asked to establish a joint inspection group of experts from all these institutions. After planning its work, the group should go to each district and coordinate there with the local authorities, the police, SHIK, the prosecution service, the audit and inspection service, and the new management teams of the affected enterprises, in order to investigate responsibly and identify the true perpetrators of the criminal acts committed in these cities. I hope that the deputies from Lushnjë and Pukë, as well as representatives of all parliamentary groups, will also respond positively to this request. …among believing that the… JEMIN GJANA; Member of Parliament for Pogradec; Chair of the Parliamentary Committee on Economy; Finance; Budget and Trade. P: S. The MPs Petrit Shehu; Arben Imami; Halit Shalë-mati; Namik Doke; and Teodor Lico, speaking on behalf of the PD, PS and PSD parliamentary groups, as well as Azem Hajdari, also expressed support for this request, and the matter was placed on the parliament’s agenda;

Will she, I wonder, confess all her sins and crimes? After a long, drawn-out procedure that has tested the investigators and experts themselves, as well as the patience of all genuinely democratic public opinion, which seeks not revenge but justice, today Nexhmije Hoxha, Enver Hoxha’s life partner for over 40 years and his closest wife in all the deeds and calamities inflicted on Albania and our nation, sat in the dock to answer for everything she has done, seen or heard. And it is a fact that she did, saw and heard a great deal over an entire lifetime beside the most anti-national dictator in the long chain of dictators known to the ancient and modern world. The billions of our treasure scattered around the world, buried or hidden in the mountains of Skrapar, Tirana or elsewhere, and the thousands killed or massacred by Enverian executioners cannot speak to tell where they were sent. But hundreds of thousands of the dictatorship’s living victims can never forget, themselves or as descendants, where and how they lived a life bitter and more terrifying than death, or where they were tortured, massacred or buried alive for a word, a wish or an unspoken dream. In recent years, the Enver–Nexhmije duo has been the subject of many heated discussions and debates: who was more wicked, devil or demon; who truly governed Albania, Enver Hoxha or his Nexhmija; and what lay behind Nexhmije’s dominance over Enver—sincere love, a behind-the-scenes scheme or political fanaticism. Their joint rule still cannot answer the question of whether Nexhmije Xhuglini attached herself to the handsome Enver Hoxha like a leech out of love, or after a… Naturally, she will answer many questions, because, unlike the Enverian investigators, our investigators today have translated the [text unclear] for her and have asked her to confess the great mountain of crimes weighing on her. She, Ramiz Alia and their close comrade in ideals and deeds, Sulo Gradeci, are the key to solving many mysteries that have arisen and tormented us during this half-century. They know much about the terrible secrets that the demon Enver Hoxha took with him to the grave. Together, they were among the principal architects and actors of the mass political genocide Zeus inflicted on the Albanian people within and beyond the state borders. In the courtroom she will try to present herself as an innocent victim, like an infant, as if she had not lived in Enver Hoxha’s empire and palace, but on an uninhabited island in the Pacific or in a cave in the Himalayas, when in reality she is one of the greatest sinners against our people, a many-horned she-devil with an insatiable appetite for human life. And, inevitably, we are reminded of her worthy predecessor, Shakespeare’s Lady Macbeth, and her contemporaries Jiang Qing, Mao Zedong’s wife, and Elena Ceaușescu, the Romanian dictator’s wife. Their appearance differs greatly, but in character and spirit they are daughters of the same monster. Shakespeare’s two father-murdering daughters in “The Brothers Ilir” are pale indeed beside our Nexhi. Will she, too, go down in world history as a father- and mother-murderer? She deserves it fully, as a comrade- or brother-murderer as well. Ah, how many sins and crimes weigh on her pitch-black back! Will she, I wonder, confess them all? It is difficult: she has the privilege of being held to account in a different era, before a modern justice diametrically opposed to Enverian justice, when people and the law were trampled like worms. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

— On stage: the corrupt Nexhmije Hoxha, the trial panel, the prosecutor, the defence lawyer, the witnesses and the evidence. At last, the day has come when the curtain is raised on what for years has covered up crimes, thefts, fraud and abuses. The indictment speaks of the communist leadership bloc. There will be many prosecution witnesses. Those whose gold was stolen will testify. They will describe it orally and show receipts issued by the thieves. How much gold was confiscated from them, and the names… The charge is shameful, but incomplete. It accuses the defendant Nexhmije of large-scale theft of state property and abuse of office. The charge should have been plunder and corruption. Nevertheless, what matters is that the curtain will rise today. Shame and crime will be laid bare before the eyes of Albania’s citizens. Even the criminals, supporters and nostalgics of the hated communist system will hang their heads and dare not utter a sound when they hear and see scenes of crime and corruption described by their idol, by the witnesses and through the truth of the evidence. Since the charge is chiefly theft of property, the defendant should begin her testimony with the theft of the people’s gold and the appropriation of the bank treasury. The abuses committed by members of the notorious red bloc are documented, but, strangely, let them begin with the creation of… of the bloc of communist leaders. The prosecution witnesses will be numerous. Those who were released and whose gold was seized will testify. They will give oral testimony and show receipts issued by the thieves. They will state of the thieves who took it. They will also testify about the methods of violence used against the Reds. Those who stole the people’s gold will testify about who ordered them to steal it and, after the robbery, where they took it and to whom they handed it over. Those tasked with protecting the treasury will be questioned, as will the treasury directors and the directors and employees of the State Bank. And, finally, all the authors of the red dome throughout all those years. The block’s guard, Sulo Gradeci, will also be questioned about the gold. Xhon Megu must also be called as a witness. The pilots who transported the gold to Switzerland and other countries around the world will also be questioned. The escorts who accompanied the gold abroad will also be questioned. Another fact also proves that our gold was appropriated and deposited in banks around the world by Albania’s red dome. In the bank in the city of Ulm, Germany, there are 45000 coins gold. They weigh 10 kilograms each, and each such coin costs 295 German marks. The year these gold coins were minted is 1969. It reads 50 lek in Albanian. On the front of the coin is the eagle with the five-pointed star, surrounded by a band of smaller points, and the inscription RPSSh in Albanian. On the other side of the coin is the castle of Gjirokastër, and it says Gjirokastër and Argiostrom. Such coins are also found in Switzerland. New Zealand and elsewhere. We have such coins that were purchased at the bank in the city of Ulm, Germany. In addition, the coin has another version bearing the portrait of the dictator Enver Hoxha. Nexhmije Hoxha should be questioned about these coins, which are living evidence, because she knows in detail how much gold was spent to put these coins into circulation, in which banks they were deposited, and in whose name. The State Audit, the General Investigative Directorate, the General Prosecutor’s Office, and journalists should go to the city of Ulm and obtain more detailed information about these gold coins. New facts will emerge during the court hearings that will shed light on the accusation. BEDRI MYFTARI

— Expanded meeting of the Independent Civic Union of Tirana and government representatives — - Unreserved support is expressed for economic reform and the country’s economic development, and for President Berisha. - All illegal strikes, such as those in Ballsh and Bolonjë, which seek to destabilize the country and compromise democracy, are condemned. - Calls for early elections made by any political force are condemned as anti-democratic, unlawful and destructive. - The miners of Valias are the finest example of wisdom and of patriotism, and of resolving the problems facing minorities through dialogue. - The democratic negotiating table is producing results. The government is committed to resolving minority problems. This year Valias and the other agricultural enterprises will begin their economic and financial activity from zero. The existing budgets were frozen by the Government under its decision of January 4, 1993. On January 7, 1993, at around ten o’clock, an expanded working meeting between this union and government representatives was held at the Valias premises, at the initiative of the Miners’ Union of the Tirana coal basin. The meeting was attended by the Deputy Minister of Industry and Mineral Resources… (continues on page 4)

April 2, ’91 — Hungary ’56, Beijing and the Albanian Timișoara They say that a beast demonstrates the limits of its ferocity and brutality when it finds itself threatened in its challenged existence. If at that moment its savagery had been displayed amid mysterious memories of the forest—the natural habitat of its kind—it now abandons all the macabre exoticism of the spectacle of feasting on its prey. Now, forced by changes in the balance of power, at a distance that is unmistakable and fatal for it, it accepts public suffering, exposed; at the core of its biological instincts and the existential basis of its supremacy. By way of parallel, the communist likeness reached the same point in its public confrontation on April 2, ’91, in Shkodër. In terms of its public scale, it was unique and perhaps the greatest massacre of its kind. It was Hungary ’56, Beijing and Timișoara—the Albanian massacre. The Albanian Communists believed they had nourished or watered their roots in another era, but in fact they signed their opposite fate: they nurtured the authenticity of their official end. “The end”—their cruelties were at once a meaningful denial and affirmation of our present and future. The first phase of the trial concerning this massacre has concluded, despite our reservations about the procedure. Opinions, naturally, differ. Only one thing is absolute: the guilt of those convicted. And yet, paradoxically, in Albanian reality there still exists an opinion that disputes this absolute truth. It is now known who plays the sparrow at this funeral procession: this is best demonstrated by the atemporal nature of the Albanian communist beast. And if the people say that a wolf is of no use when you have a dog, in this case of Shkodër no one can figuratively say that tracks are of no use when you have wolves. With this aphorism they would counter the great and not-so-great “barbarities,” they would say at the same time. Someone, then, would say at the same time… Someone, then, would say at the same time… Someone, then… and so on, those who brought down the [unclear] of April 2? Could it be that another… (Continues on page 4)

Si- 992 tive rcat do- non- e u për Pa- vi- shtu time ndja jetë bur- s pë- gji- nis- shty- e or- be- bre- të da- fe- qëror forc at demo rejta- ndëse rapor- ATSH)