The Minister of Defense, Safet Zhulali, departed for Turkey aboard a special aircraft on an official friendship visit. As part of ongoing efforts to further develop ties and cooperation between our two countries and armies, our Minister of Defense will meet and hold talks with his counterpart, Nevzat Ajaz, as well as with senior Turkish officials, about issues concerning the current situation in the region. (ATSH)

Mr. Rexhep Qosja, in his article in “Zëri i popullit,” raises three issues concerning Mr. Berisha’s visit to NATO headquarters. Professor, we would like to ask you three questions. We believe that Mr. Berisha’s visit to NATO headquarters strengthens Albania’s position, its security, and its alliance and cooperation with Western democracies. So, Professor, why did this visit by the Albanian president to NATO upset you? It is understandable that this visit should have stirred up hostility in Belgrade. The attacks against it are also understandable, since objectively they appear to be welcomed in Belgrade. An isolated Albania, without friends and defensive alliances, has been a constant objective of the strategy of Greater Serbian anti-Albanian chauvinism. Enver Hoxha’s red dictatorship provided this service to it. Fortunately, the bureaucracy cannot be expected to provide the same services. NATO and its mission are no longer regarded in Albania as they were in Enver’s time. They may be in Belgrade. And that is understandable. Professor, have you read the article published in the Italian newspaper “Corriere della Sera” about the alleged statements and threats by Mr. Berisha to bomb Belgrade? Your article resembles that one. However, there is a difference: the Italian journalist quoted Mr. Berisha’s full statement, thereby giving it a distorted interpretation and taking it out of context. You go further. You give a distorted interpretation of Mr. Berisha’s views without quoting them in full, mutilating and censoring them in the Marxist-Leninist style, omitting the words or phrases that do not interest you and do not suit your interpretation. Such conduct has nothing to do with the character and standing of a scholar, but with those of a manipulator compelled to interpret according to the schemes served up to him by his masters. You, Professor, acknowledge that expressions such as “Greater Albania” and the like are the product of the Miloševićs, of the chauvinistic Serbs. On the other hand, you criticize Mr. Berisha for speaking out against them. Should Mr. Berisha have shown solidarity with Milošević and Serbian chauvinism by supporting and propagating their generally anti-Albanian concepts, ideas and theories? You, Professor, are undoubtedly distinguished as a critic, but you are a Don Quixote in politics. Indeed, your Don Quixotism is red Don Quixotism. You are a free citizen with inexhaustible career ambitions who cannot manage to represent a political force. Of all the Albanian political parties, there is only one—the National Unity Party, alias the party of Albanian Marxist-Leninists, led by your spiritual friend, comrade Idajet Beqiri—which is close to you in your solitude. Why does this bother you in what has been said? But (part illegible)

During half a century of communist rule, Albanian communists showed that they were incapable of building and governing a state on a human scale. During one year of pluralism, specifically in the Government of Stability, they repeatedly made it clear that the country could not be governed with the communists. During these months of the Democratic Government, when they have moved into opposition, they have displayed the greatest political intolerance, human dishonesty, dirty political tactics, and a destructive spirit within their own state. This drives them to attack democracy from every position; it inspires them to abuse every provision of the new democracy; it urges the Albanian social-communists to smear every achievement of the new government. Let us examine the social-communists’ destructiveness in several respects. 1. Maintaining artificial political tension. Albanian conservative communists began 1993 with a vicious attack against the Democratic Government and President Berisha, as though the difficult winter, the economic transition, welfare assistance, and difficult economic circumstances were not enough for Albanians. In this way, the social-communists tried to shake the government’s historic commitment to reform by organizing a series of strikes at the Blloku, Ballsh, and elsewhere. The idea was quite clear: to create artificial tension, to create confusion, panic and political insecurity, in order to frighten the reform’s initiators, deter foreign investors and, worst of all, keep alive internal tension that is of greatest interest to the dictators of Belgrade. This prevents the democratic state from becoming fully involved in the problems of the region, particularly the question of Albanians in the Balkans. It causes great economic damage, further burdening an economy that is already under strain. 2. Efforts to darken the economic and political prospects of Albanians. There is no meeting of a PS grassroots organization, conference, congress or “ZP” article that does not try to bring gloom to the hearts of Albanians, that does not try to wage anti-government propaganda against the democratic government. This began with reports in “ZP” about the suspension of EC aid, and continued with grim messages about isolation, deaths during this long winter, extreme unemployment, lack of investment, economic collapse, and the constant misrepresentation of every PD call for determination on the path of reform. It ended with the notion of the general ruin awaiting us. This dark destructiveness is expressed in the way they foretell the fate of Albanians. Through their propaganda, terror and practices, the social-communists also try to drive people into the streets. Always following their communist logic, always denying every objective law of the market economy. They are the ones who, by manipulating the oil workers’ legitimate demands, ensure that the people spend the winter without heating in minus-five-degree weather. 3. Denial of the achievements of the Democratic Government. The struggle to paralyze the Democratic Government and the open attack against it remain a constant feature of their destructiveness. This destructive attack is also waged by minimizing its work over these months. They deny the important economic reform, the easing of inflation, the start of increased production, higher agricultural income, the establishment of public order, greater integration into international organizations, and the attraction of major investors such as the World Bank and the Islamic Bank, etc. The PS tries to portray the economic ruin of 50 years as the work of democracy, forgetting that the democratic state did not bring poverty, unemployment, or the difficult conditions in general. The Democratic Government gave Albanians the opportunity to work around the world and benefit from the advantages of the free market and a free state. There is no one in Albania who can deny that during 1992 Albanians ate better than ever, dressed better than ever, and bought more than ever. This showed the first achievements of the market economy, which has begun to yield results particularly in the countryside. But the Socialist Party is interested in denying every achievement, in order to discredit democracy in Albania and foster dissatisfaction and a loss of confidence in the people’s government. The communist destructives want to share power, even over the ruins of Albania; this is their political ideal, and that is why they try to portray the work of our Government to date as negatively as possible. 4. Defending Enverism and the criminals of the communist dictatorship, and allying with Slavic communist conservatism. The PS’s anti-reform stance in its conduct to date has been accompanied by— heating in minus-five-degree weather. in its conduct to date has been accompanied by support for conservative Enverism. been accompanied by active resistance to the logical consequences of reform. They have tried to portray the reform’s economic measures as political revenge, purges, etc. The PS press has openly defended the criminals of the dictatorship, who have been and are being brought to trial, because this party is compromised by its past and its experience. This secret alliance has been and continues to be used to adapt to situations described as the revival of Balkan communism, centered in Serbia, particularly after the victory of the Bolshevik dictator Milošević. And the realist Albanian communists have shown courage to a greater—(Continued on page 4)

Asked to comment on Rexhep Qosja’s article, published two days ago in the newspaper “ZP,” the spokesperson for the President of the Republic said: Rexhep Qosja and every Albanian intellectual are free to express their views on the Albanian question. As with every other issue, a diversity of opinions on this question should be a constant. However, specifically regarding the article in question, I would like to clarify that: 1. The Kosovo problem cannot in any way be solved through acts of terrorism, as the author suggests by evoking so-called revolutionary movements that engage in terrorist activity and are based on M-L platforms in various parts of Europe. In our view, the terrorist methods used by movements such as the Irish or Corsican ones have not only failed to help resolve these issues, but have had the opposite effect. The great success of the movement in Kosovo, by contrast, has undoubtedly rested on the civic, non-terrorist means and methods it has used and continues to use. We hope this was a moment of goodwill on Mr. Qosja’s part, and we are convinced that Albanians in the former Yugoslavia will continue their efforts for human and national rights, adhering unwaveringly to the great principles of the Helsinki Act, because only within their framework can the just Albanian question be fully resolved. 2. I will not analyze the article, since, unfortunately, in the points he raises the author has chosen to use the weapon of manipulation, removing words or sentences from passages and separating them from their meaning in the paragraph, which has given the article a markedly manipulative character. On this occasion, however, I would like to emphasize that: a. The President of the Republic, not only in his speech and in the answers he gave before the North Atlantic Council, and in the interview he gave after returning, but also earlier, during his visits to Germany and Austria and in the interview he gave after returning, has stressed that the notion of “Greater Albania” is currently a creation of Greater Serbian propaganda, with which Milošević seeks to justify the political response of violence and terror he pursues in order to create a Greater Serbia, and that serious Albanian political forces unquestionably do not support this idea. We consider it absurd to think that Albanians, when provoked, would support the idea of a Greater Albania, which the propaganda of Serbian chauvinist and Vorio-Epirote circles is trumpeting so loudly today, trying in this way to seriously damage the resolution of the Albanian question. We also urge the author not to fall into such traps, especially since he is free to choose whatever position he wishes. b. Likewise, on the issue of borders, the President of the Republic and all serious Albanian political forces believe that Albania must unequivocally adhere to the Helsinki Final Act and other documents that prohibit changing borders by force. Views to the contrary, that is, those advocating violence, would not only be of no help, but would pave the way for violence and aggression throughout the Balkan Peninsula, which would be a true Albanian and Balkan tragedy. To date, only the Serbian leadership and the political forces behind it want this. In conclusion, we must reiterate that the question of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia cannot be solved through terrorism, Marxist-style lectures, manipulation or romanticism, but only through a realistic approach and a consistent policy, with coordinated efforts by Albanian political forces and the international community, adhering to the principles of Helsinki and the UN Charter, which recognize the inviolability of the human and national rights of peoples where they live. PRESS AND INFORMATION OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT TIRANA, 19.01.1993

After a long absence, archaeologist Neritan Ceka finally appeared in Fier. But this time his visit had nothing to do with archaeology or ancient Bylis. After a long absence, archaeologist Neritan Ceka finally appeared in Fier. But this time his visit had nothing to do with archaeology or ancient Bylis, which he has exploited and cultivated so much. This time he came as president of the AD party to present his party’s program. But was that really the reason for Mr. Ceka’s arrival in Fier? After presenting himself as “half-Fierak,” a right he says he earned through six years of work in Fier, Neritan the archaeologist soon revealed the “purpose” of his visit. Accustomed to staging spectacles in the Albanian parliament, as in the office of former President Alia, Neritan once again left the “numerous” attendees in the hall open-mouthed. After launching into an explanation of his party’s crimes, which Neritan himself founded to secure an armchair, Mr. President left no stone unturned in explaining the shortcomings of the Democratic Government and venting his resentment toward PD members and President S. Berisha. “After March 22,” Ceka declared, “political power was placed above legal authority. This, and the president’s interference with judges, created the impression that one system was being replaced by another, nepotistic system.” Bravo, Neritan the archaeologist. You said a lot, but even as you discussed political pacts and real reforms and spoke of cooperation with the PS if the national interest required it, you, Mr. Ceka, answered questions from those present in the hall that clearly put you in a difficult position. Asked where your party stood in relation to the other parties, you answered immodestly: “We are the best party in Albania.” Well done! With that answer you outdid yourself. You gave us no concrete reason to be convinced, nothing to make us believe. But what could we believe when, a little later, you would declare that “the Democratic Party did not call on the intellectuals for reform”?! But, according to you, Mr. President, are only those intellectuals who echoed you and the motionist group intellectuals? And Belul Gjerakina, too. But what caused the greatest reaction in the hall was a question put to you about your statement that you would no longer engage in politics. “I,” you said, “did not declare that I would no longer engage in politics. Those words are not mine. I would consider it shameful if I did not engage in politics.” You were wrong once again, Mr. Ceka. But this was not your last mistake. Immediately afterward you made another when you declared that “there are 11 spies in the Albanian parliament, known by their pseudonyms.” When the hall insistently demanded that you name them, you gave only one name. You left the names of the other 10 deputies undisclosed. So, whether you like it or not, Mr. Ceka, a door has been opened to the files. But the people aren’t fooled, Mr. President Ceka. A little later, when you declared, “I didn’t know Astrit Qorri at all, and I took him to court, but the Tirana prosecutor’s office halted the case,” you lied openly. How can one archaeologist not know another archaeologist? Were there so many archaeologists in Albania? No, dear Ceka. Nobody in the hall in Fier believes you, just as they didn’t believe you about other things. To conclude, let us tell you two things plainly, Mr. President of AD: in Fier, you signed a part of your own failure. At the very least, there is a chance it will follow you wherever you go. — “We are the best party in Albania” — “I have not stated that I will no longer engage in politics.” — — “The saying that I will no longer engage in politics is not my expression. in politics.” — — “The newspaper ‘Koha jonë’ is a brave newspaper...” — — There are 11 spies in the Albanian parliament who are known by pseudonyms.” —

2. Efforts to darken the economic and political prospects of Albanians.