The memory of a nation is sacred and, as such, must be kept alive and burning. This memory is embodied in its history. In this sense, history is the teacher of life. From this truth, tested time and again by life itself, comes the axiom that if you do not know the history of your nation, you cannot serve it well. But history is neither politics nor sociology, although it is connected with these two fields. It is known that political science cannot propose lessons that are not, in some way, a generalization of historical experience. Historical events themselves cannot be analyzed correctly and accurately without clear concepts of social development in general. History is connected not only with the past. It is also a force for the present and the future. Historical events, however, do not unfold simply because this or that individual, however brilliant, wishes them to. It is known that society develops, and with its development the conditions mature and arise for new phenomena to emerge and particular events to occur, leading to particular historical solutions. When someone tries to disregard these truths and possibilities created by historical and social development, he is courting defeat and becomes a Don Quixote. And, even more so, when an individual takes his subjective wishes for objective reality, he is to be pitied—one should feel sorry for him if he does so without malicious intent. But when this happens with individuals who do it with malicious intent, that is another matter. Rexhep Qosja has long been going down this road. And, what is worse, he tries to cover up his bad deeds with the supposed «defense of the Albanian national cause». 1. Rexhep Qosja in the role of «teacher» of national history. R. Qosja has long assigned himself this role. He wants his opinions to be declared categorically true and accepted by others, according to the saying «Magister dixit» (the teacher has spoken). Anyone who acts against him is struck by lightning and stones are hurled at him; he is smeared with mud. Anyone who disagrees with him is accused of lies, slander and insults. Indeed, R. Qosja goes so far in this regard that he is capable of harming the vital interests of our people. This became apparent in the 1970s, when R. Qosja published the book «The Morphology of a Campaign» at a Serbian printing house—a book that attacked Albanian intellectuals who disagreed with his ideas and actions and caused quite a commotion. Later he took a negative stance toward the forces that led the national movement in Kosovo, primarily against the Democratic League and its leaders. Then, last year, R. Qosja came to Tirana with some of his associates, with the arguments characteristic of him, and attempted to take the reins of the movement for national reconciliation and unity into his own hands, assisting the Socialist Party in its activities. To this end, R. Qosja met with leaders of parties and organizations and used every means to impose his incorrect views on them, creating an unhealthy situation during his stay in Tirana, where he was hosted by the Socialist Party in the country’s finest villa, even though he had not formally been invited by the official authorities. At that time, only the Association of Former DPP members responded publicly. In its statement, published in the newspaper «Liria» on February 14, 1992, and entitled «We do not agree with Prof. Rexhep Qosja on national reconciliation», it said, among other things: «We hold in very high regard such distinguished figures as Mr. Rexhep Qosja, Mr. Hajru-lla Gërvalla, Mr. Ramiz Kelmendi and Idriz Ajeti, but we consider their involvement in the ministerial commission and cooperation with the so-called national council to be mistaken, with consequences that damage their national standing. We do not agree with Prof. Rexhep Qosja when he said at the press conference that words such as “manipulation” etc. were excessive and that, according to him, what matters is that things turn out well. For us, the beginning also matters, as do the progress and outcome. For us, the beginning matters too, because if the beginning is good, the progress will also be successful.» (Emphasis mine, B. H.). Being egocentric, megalomaniacal and paranoid, vengeful and unrestrained, R. Qosja continues on his crooked path in an «open letter» he sends to the «President of Albania, Sali Berisha»—a letter that, in my opinion, fills the cup of his reckless actions. Retaining old grudges, as a consequence of his character, R. Qosja concocts the vilest slanders against S. Berisha in this letter and takes upon himself the task of «re-educating» the Albanians, the Albanian nation, and of teaching our people, telling us what we should and should not do. With this letter R. Qosja once again proves that he does not wish the Albanian nation well and that he acts «not to divide the Albanians», as he says, on either side of the border within the Albanian state. With his sophistry and demagoguery, masking his anti-Albanian stance, Rexhep Qosja fights to discredit and eliminate the national forces leading our people at this historic moment, dividing them and helping our enemies. Instead of fighting to cut off the claws of the Serbs… …would be able to elect a president of the Republic. Rugova, and not several [people]; B. H., we have divided up the roles, appointed the ministers, ambassadors, secretaries...» «It seems R. Qosja does not have a clear grasp of the concepts “free” and “democratic”. In the Republic of Kosovo, the elections were both free and democratic. This is because in that Republic the people voted freely and democratically, without pressure or violence, to elect this or that person, even though the country is occupied. By analogy, if we were to follow R. Qosja’s mistaken views, the delegates who took part in the historic Conference of Bujan were also elected while the country was under occupation, and consequently their election was neither free nor democratic. As a result, this conference, which holds a special place in our history because of the importance of its decisions, should be erased. R. Qosja also showed his negative attitude toward the Republic of Kosovo during his autumn visit to Shkodër and Tirana. He did not mention the Republic of Kosovo, but spoke of Kosovo. In his open letter, he also accuses S. Berisha and the delegation of the Republic of Kosovo at the August 1992 London Conference on the former Yugoslavia (Qosja uses only the word Yugoslavia) of supposedly having sold our national interests. R. Qosja does not consider the invitation extended to its representatives in London a success for the Republic of Kosovo, although this was the first time we had been invited to an international meeting where our future was also discussed. Perhaps R. Qosja is displeased that his «illustrious» name was not listed as a member of the delegation attending in London. Or does he think that Albanians must not take a single independent step without consulting him and receiving his instructions? R. Qosja’s conception of history is mistaken. He does not know that an individual’s political worth is neither determined nor measured by the value of his research and scholarly work. If that were the case, we would see Nobel laureates at the head of various countries. R. Qosja’s conception in this field has its roots in his Stalinist-Titoist-Enverist outlook on the role of exceptional, great individuals in history and on excluding others from social and political activity. R. Qosja’s view is that only «chosen», exceptional individuals have the right to deal with the fate of a people, while everyone else must obey and submit to them. This is a view that is both anachronistic and dangerous and harmful. Today, the idea of elitism, of «great enlightened minds» who should govern, cannot be accepted. For a long time our people have been fighting for their sacred liberation, and this struggle has no need of an individual conductor’s baton, even if it belongs to R. Qosja. On this occasion, I cannot fail to mention the answer R. Qosja gave to the question: «Why do you not belong to a political party?» «I don’t,» R. Qosja replied, «because this way I serve the people better.» No comment is needed. R. Qosja’s «open letter» is an expression of his arrogance, haughtiness and intolerance. It is full of venom and makes an adventurist demand. It is not well-intentioned and does not serve our national and democratic interests on either side of the border. R. Qosja seeks to play the role of judge and prophet. The accusations made against S. Berisha in this letter are among the most malicious imaginable. The author of the letter seeks only to denigrate, insult and slander. Prof. BUJAR HOXHA (Continued on page 2)

Qosja is preparing the ground for Albanians to be drawn into deadly adventures. Forgetting—or having no knowledge at all of—the concrete conditions of the national movement in different countries and their particular circumstances, R. Qosja gives us the examples of Northern Ireland, Corsica and the Basque Country. He does not know, or does not wish to know, that their national movements are developing in free countries with advanced democracies such as Great Britain, France and Spain, which are as different from dictatorial, communist-fascist Serbia as night is from day; nor do the political parties that govern those democracies resemble the League of Communists, of which R. Qosja himself was a member. Since the League of Communists has come up, I must remind R. Qosja of his ties to it: he wept while sitting on the steps of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of the Republic of Kosovo so as not to be expelled from it. Why does R. Qosja not say plainly that he wants the very same methods and means of struggle used in Northern Ireland, Corsica and the Basque Country to be used in Kosovo? We ask R. Qosja: Who would benefit from that? Certainly not the Albanian. As a «historian» and scholar, R. Qosja strives to denigrate the just struggle of the Kosovars. He does not do this openly, but indirectly. Thus, deliberately, with irony and disregard, R. Qosja declares the parliamentary and presidential elections in the Republic of Kosovo undemocratic and not free, arguing that they were held under Serbian occupation. He writes: «We in Kosovo (he should have said in the Republic of Kosovo, B. H.) really did organize “free and democratic” elections (note the quotation marks around “free and democratic”, B. H.), elected members of parliament and a president (one president of the Republic was elected, Mr. Rugova, not several, B. H.), divided up the roles, appointed or that person, even though—

A FARCICAL PARADOX FADES — The invalids are now at last genuinely recognized and treated by the state — — The draft law «On the status of invalids of the War against the Nazi-Fascist occupiers of the Albanian people» is approved — A FARCICAL PARADOX FADES The rights of war invalids: 47 years without a special law (!!) — The invalids are now at last genuinely recognized and treated by the state — — The draft law «On the status of invalids of the War against the Nazi-Fascist occupiers of the Albanian people» is approved — LIKE a farcical paradox and more besides, from the dark communist era comes to us the reality of a bitter, degrading and inciting truth: to this day there has been no special law defining the rights of invalids of the war against the Nazi-Fascist occupiers. This is yet another proof of the demagoguery and monist trampling of the blood and sublime sacrifices of those who contributed to this war with the noble ideal of liberating the Homeland. Until now they have benefited only from a few rights under the law «On social insurance»; these are few, far too few, and sound like cynical mockery in the face of that blood and those sacrifices. The draft law’s arrival in Parliament yesterday has two dimensions: an affirmation and a negation. It affirms the true legal and humane dimensions of the era and its particular character in this century. It refutes the baseless accusations and slanders by the Communists that the DP and its MPs supposedly denigrate the blood and struggle of Albanians in their last war against the occupiers (!!)... And, ultimately, those who feel the real value of this act by the government and the democratic Parliament, as well as its spiritual healing of those unhealed wounds—wounds caused by bullets and 47 years of disappointment—are the invalids themselves, who are now truly no longer denigrated by the state, by the democratic state... Speaking of the provisions of this draft law, we can mention first the status of war invalid, which is granted to the wounded and disabled who: a) took part in the war with weapons in hand against the Nazi-Fascist occupiers from April 7, 1939, to May 9, 1945; b) carried out activities underground, in enemy rear areas or in liberated zones; c) were imprisoned or interned in Nazi-Fascist camps. Among the rights, Article 3 provides: a) A war invalid receives a supplement to the disability pension, the amount of which is set by the Council of Ministers; this supplement is also paid when the person retires on an old-age pension. b) Invalids who do not receive any kind of pension are granted a disability pension equal to the average occupational disability pension for their disability group. c) A person is assigned to assist a first-group invalid who needs care; the amount of the remuneration is set by the Council of Ministers and paid by the municipalities or communes. d) If wages and pensions change, the disability pension is adjusted accordingly, together with the relevant supplements. Under this draft law, invalids will also be entitled to care and to receive medicines free of charge, in accordance with medical prescriptions, from state institutions. They are entitled to diagnosis and treatment at state clinics and to receive, free of charge, orthopedic equipment, prostheses and mobility aids. Travel on urban public transport will be free, and travel on interurban services will be at half fare. The state is obliged to provide invalids with good housing conditions. Their funeral expenses will also be covered by the state. The Association of War Invalids will be funded by the state and will receive social and material support. War invalids will also pay no direct taxes of any kind. In light of these rights, enshrined on the basis of constitutional provisions of our new democratic state, we ask: could a state that had let its own humanitarian concern atrophy ever have cared for war invalids? Prepared by: RAKIP SULÇE

As part of the humanitarian assistance that the government of the Republic of Turkey continues to provide to the Albanian people, on January 18, 1993, the ship «Partizani» brought the first shipment of aid for 1993 to the port of Durrës. The shipment includes 2,500 tons of flour valued at 1,100,000 dollars, and 5,000 blankets, 100 tents, 30 stretchers, 1,000 serum [units], 10 wheelchairs for invalids and 30,000 injections valued at 65,000 dollars. Crime report Repeat thief Bashkim Muhamet Fuli, 36, was detained by the Public Order authorities in Tirana for stealing 250 US dollars from citizen Zenel Bacaj, a resident of Vlorë. Mustafa Halit Gatuzi, aged 23, stole the car belonging to Kosovo citizen Jonuz Muga. He was detained by the Tirana police authorities. On January 16, a police operation in the «Studenti» district to maintain public order and peace apprehended 19 people, who were each fined 4,000 lekë; for traffic violations, proceedings were brought against two drivers, who were fined 800 lekë. The Elbasan Public Order Department reports that the criminal Agron Ali Qafa was discovered and detained on January 16. The young man in question is 18 years old. The police had been looking for this bandit since August 8. It was on that very day that he killed citizen Spartak Ethem Sherifi. In the city of Bulqizë, Ahmet Hamit Shehu, 47, and Ismail Hysen Lami, 27, had stockpiled 48 sticks of dynamite and two live pistol cartridges in their homes. — On 16.1.1993 at 21:30, the following citizens were detained: Ilmi Reshit Reshiti, 32, resident of Tirana’s District 22, with 5 grades of schooling, previously convicted twice for theft, unemployed; and Nikolin Muharrem Kokalari, 12 grades of schooling, District 21, Tirana, with no previous convictions and unemployed. They were detained because, acting in cooperation with one another during 1992 and thereafter, they were responsible for burglaries at the homes of 10 citizens, stealing a large quantity of household goods and money. Prepared by: DYLEJMAN KARAJ

The chairman of the Democratic Party of Albania, Mr. Eduard Selami, has returned to the Homeland. He took part in Meeting No. 1 of the Governing Council of the European Democratic Union (EDU) in Estonia, on the theme: «The Structure of Europe and European Politics». PRESS AND INFORMATION OFFICE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

Dreaming of creating and spreading an alibi for her innocence, N. Hoxha tried to deny the squandering and embezzlement, even though these had been documented as fully as possible, given the far-reaching and ridiculous consequences for the ordinary worker and cooperative farmer. Nexhmije Hoxha apparently asked for nothing, either orally or in writing; supposedly she lived in great hardship on a monthly salary of 1,300 lekë; supposedly she had long been fed up with the monotonous, impoverished life in the two large villas, with their dozens of rooms and other torturous spaces. And to escape this «ordeal», one day in April 1985 she supposedly pleaded with her close, longtime friend, onstage and behind the scenes, Ramiz Alia, to take the two villas and let her live in cramped conditions... in just three rooms. But, amazingly, for the first time in his life Ramiz had suddenly become a valiant hero and displeased her by firmly deciding that she and the whole Hoxha family would continue to remain «imprisoned» in their two «shacks» in the Block. And Nexhmije, astonishingly, for the first time in their 50 years together, supposedly meekly submitted to this whim of Ramiz’s. She supposedly did not want any of all those good things from home and abroad that people in the party leadership forcibly brought her. So she emerges as having been tortured like a baby whom its mother has to force-feed when it has no appetite and does not like the food. She was supposedly «tortured» also by the cook, who, without asking her or informing her, often laid the table in abundance, with every delicacy, for her and for guests, who apparently were not paid for by the state with empty sacks. And she supposedly knew nothing about the tens of thousands of dollars spent on the wardrobes of her sons, daughters-in-law and grandchildren, or the 22,000 dollars spent to increase the sexual potency of the Hoxha men... That Comrade Nexhmije is as innocent as the day she was born, and that she has been persecuted all her life by the staff of the Directorate of Reception and the Family Services staff—this was sworn to, on his well-known word of honor as a man, by none other than Ramiz himself. Strangely, he also took upon himself many of his old companion’s faults and sins, as if he knew nothing about his own super-mountain of monstrous crimes and abuses. And he deserves a medal for bravery for this secret act of loyalty and self-sacrifice. Did he do this of his own accord, or because of an old obligation, an eternal debt to her? It must be a spiritual and political debt, more than a material one measured in gold. If Nexhmije is not the author, she must be the director of the Shakespearean tragedy whose finale sees Ramiz Alia seize the throne and scepter of Zeus of the Albanian Olympus after his first rivals, Hysni Kapo and Mehmet Shehu, have been eliminated through death. Perhaps an invisible hand bound them together and used them like chess pieces? Perhaps... We can ask many questions and make many conjectures, and still we will not find the tunnel where they hid the treasure in gold and the truly dreadful truth. In any case, by taking on those pages in defense of Nexhmije, Ramiz Alia added more pages to the voluminous books of his crimes, deeds and calamities inflicted on this people and this country. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

NEXHMIE… RAMIZ ALIA paid off part of his debt to her NEXHMIE