Adventurism and irresponsibility—the weapons of the Enverist Nano DON QUIXOTE AND SANCHO PANZA—ENVER HOXHA AND FATOS NANO Sancho Panza is known as the faithful and blind servant of the knight with the lean face, Don Quixote of La Mancha. The two of them, master and servant, despite their concrete actions, are nevertheless regarded as people of character and nobility. But that belongs to the past. In our days, this past is being repeated in Albania in a form that is as comic as it is tragic. The only difference is that the characters are marked by a complete lack of nobility and character: they are offspring of the most vicious evil, products of a withered past that accidentally entered the painful history of our people—communism—which, through smuggling and violence, tried to take its place in human history as a legitimate experience, indeed the most humane and perfect one. These days, Enver Hoxha’s faithful servant and Lady Macbeth, Mr. Nano, since his master is no longer among the living, has mounted his horse, taken up his lance, and charged furiously into battle, fighting both Sancho Panza and Don Quixote at the same time. He has thus taken on a very heavy burden. But there is no fortress the communists will not seize. Enver used to say that too. Nano seems to have firmly lodged this lesson in his mind. “Capitalists are isolated,” and not the communists who, according to him, were joined by all the peoples of the world. According to this scheme, even in Albania the majority legally elected by most of our people does not represent this majority, which consequently turns out to be represented by another force. Thus the majority becomes a minority and the minority a majority. From this fantastical position, Nano seeks to convince the cowed Enverists that the entire people are on their side, that the Democrats are isolated—in short, that revolution is no longer an aspiration but a problem to be solved, that the working class must enter the field of battle, etc., etc., in order to show the Democrats their place and install the dictatorship of the proletariat in power. Our Sancho is preparing the revolution! Part of this preparation is confusing people, disinforming them, and terrorizing them. R E V O L U T I O N A R Y V I G I L A N C E! T H E W E S T A P P R A I S E S T H E M E K S I G O V E R N M E N T The Enverist leader of the Socialist Party, Comrade Fatos Nano, exploits the great difficulties the country is going through, for which dictator Hoxha and his successors are responsible, while fanning those difficulties himself as well. The facts show that, despite these difficulties, { … and to condemn the slander [?] by the propaganda... Printed in a [illegible] drowned monstrously in the swamps of communist marshes, the government of Mr. Meksi has also been praised by the European Community and by such powerful international institutions as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The achievements of Albania under the leadership of this new and progressive government have often been presented by them as a model with no equal in other former communist countries of Eastern Europe. This reality has also increased their commitment to further assist Albania on the path of reform, consolidating democracy, and integrating it with Europe and the entire democratic world. Their assessments and commitment are encouraging to every honest Albanian without prejudice. Apparently this is not the case for Nano and his other [tuti?] dictatorship comrades. Apparently, for him and his comrades in the communist ideal, Enver Hoxha’s lessons remain indispensable: to be vigilant toward international bourgeoisie, toward such enslaving which want to rob us just as they have robbed the peoples and countries of the rest of the planet! Comrade Fatos, faithful to the teachings of Comrade Enver, tells us to beware of the traps set by big international capital! … turned back to this and risked the evil? ... vigilance in ... Macedonia ... ... and this is to ... ideology ... ... international ... proletarian ... States ... on the road ... ... demanding the resignation of Mr. Meksi’s government—or, more openly, its overthrow—without attempting to present an objective analysis of its work and without also presenting a concrete and realistic alternative that could compete with it, is evidence of political adventurism and charlatanism. …such enslaving institutions as the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank, which want to rob us just as they have done to the peoples and countries of other parts of the planet! Political adventurism and charlatanism. Mr. Meksi’s government began to raise the curtain on the corruption of the heirs of the block leaders in power. Nexhmije’s trial took place. Ramiz’s trial will also take place, as will those of the other block leaders. But there will also be a trial of Vilson Ahmeti. Are there others after him? Nano knows this better than anyone. He preceded Ylli Bufi and Vilson Ahmeti in the post of prime minister. The call to overthrow Mr. Meksi’s government thus reflects, among other things, Nano’s and those around him’s terror at the further exposure of the threads and authors of the conspiracy in power. The Enverist Nano sees adventurism and irresponsibility as weapons with which to escape this terror as well. He forgets that his beloved Enver found no refuge either on a pedestal or in a grave.

The president of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo, Professor Mark Krasniqi, resigned in protest at the position taken by the Academy’s Presidium. He had asked it to declare publicly that the Academy did not endorse the response by its member, Professor Rexhep Qosja, to Albanian President Sali Berisha concerning his political position on Kosovo. Professor Mark Krasniqi states in his declaration that he is resigning for the following reasons: First, because he considers Rexhep Qosja’s letters contrary to the national interest. Second, because an uninformed public might lose confidence in the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo, which has contributed to realizing the just and legitimate demands of Albanians in Kosovo and other parts of the former Yugoslavia. (ATA)

In a recent interview given to a Bi Bi Si journalist, among other things, Fatos Nano expressed the view that today’s parliamentary majority is realistic and “has remained fictitious.” This reasoning of Nano’s is not original. It echoes Enver Hoxha, who sought to convince our people that “imperialism and capitalism are isolated.” The Enverist head difficulties the country is going through—and for which the dictator Hoxha and his successors are responsible—while himself venting his frustration. The facts show that, despite these difficulties, life in Albania has begun to change; the first positive results are genuinely being felt, and the outlook appears clear and promising. The majority of Albanians support what Mr. Meksi’s government has done, regardless of party affiliation. For what it has not yet done, but should have done, it deserves their criticism, but not their hostility or opposition. Albanians know how to reason fairly, to weigh good and bad, achievements and failures, what is possible and impossible, the objective and the subjective, and so on. For its courageous and unyielding efforts…

Adventurism and a complete lack of responsibility for the fate of the country are typical of the clique and communist leaders wherever they have ruled or have acted as a destructive opposition. Comrade Nano and his company cannot be an exception to this rule. Albanian conservative communists, who have never come to terms with their defeat, have begun to…

- The PS uses its entire arsenal of demagoguery and deception - The same scenario in every district of the country - Fatos Nano in Cejnot The PS and “ZP,” following Fatos Nano’s far-sighted plan and his his...terical directives, are continuing their campaign with concentrated attacks in districts they consider their strongholds, in order to deceive the people into echoing their calls for the resignation of the Democratic Government. The great leader of the Enverists has lost patience and reason, because his calls—or alarms—for the PD to be ousted from the power freely entrusted to it by the people’s vote on 22 March have died out like fires in the desert; his predictions as a brilliant astrologer have not come true. One year out of power has seemed like a century to him! Life in his spacious two-storey villa, among the modest houses around it, has seemed like a truly endless torture. How could the pigeons peacefully abandon their warm nest, Nano the vulture? Thus comrade Fatos is experiencing a drama—or, more accurately, two tragedies at once. And what use is life to him if he cannot achieve his ultimate goal of becoming Albania’s prime minister for the third time and living until his heart stops beating in the villa where he was born and raised under the fatherly care of comrade Thanas and his voluntary tutors Enver, Ramiz and Nexhmije? He is also tormented by a third anxiety. In the voluminous book of red crimes and corruption, he has made a historic contribution and left indelible traces. He miraculously escaped the Shkodër trial without a scratch, thanks to a year’s time to erase every trace and to the spiteful tongues—more motivated by pay than by any personal sacrifice—of those who were convicted. After all, he was prime minister on the day when, cruelly and treacherously, Hrak Romani [?] Albania e verianteve, a po aliaruazion [?], the sons of Shkodër, were killed. Nothing can be done without his knowledge or approval. Only Ramiz Alia could do such a thing. But soon there will be trials against the other block leaders. He has been connected to some of them by old and new ties, not to mention all the others. But what if (God forbid) one of them should speak, repent, and reveal his name or traces of his involvement in crimes or events in which he was a bit player or the leading actor? These and other sinister thoughts are keeping comrade Fatos Nano awake and have disturbed his peace and composure. But thanks to the Enverist mould in which he was forged, he is one of those communists who do not surrender. His privileges—or the authority of the PS chairman—also make him feel brave. Why shouldn’t he use or exploit the party’s name and banner to achieve his immediate and long-term objectives? In this respect, he is relying with both feet on the theoretical and practical treasury left to him by his great teachers, Enver and Ramiz, who kept the party for nearly 50 years as a puppet in their hands. But as a modern politician, he will use and develop his predecessors’ experience creatively. Enver and Ramiz were very fond of “spontaneous” rallies (in reality, farces). He will not abandon this tradition either; unlike them (here he emerges as a great creative Marxist-Leninist), he will make greater use of strikes, rallies and petitions. The PS is fortunate to have inherited from the old and distinguished PPJshifat [?] a talent for “magnificent rallies” and for crafting bombshell petitions and banners. Their “masterpieces” are strikes couched in economic jargon but political in body and soul in Polican, Bulqize, Ballsh… and “magnificent” rallies in Fier, Kolonje… (“ZP,” true to its 51-year tradition, multiplies the real attendance figures by zero). But these and many other actions at home and around the world have not shaken the Democratic Government. Quite contrary to his meticulous calculations as a great economist, they have stripped away his mask as a pure-blooded Enverist, an ambitious careerist and rabid revanchist, and exposed the PS as a destructive political force, a worthy daughter of the PKP or PP—or of those old women who can only be rejuvenated by major plastic surgery. For these failures, Fatos blames only the Albanian people. Why can’t he win them over, as Fatos? Why do they treat him so badly? Why don’t they do for him what they did for Enver—shout themselves hoarse cheering him, sing to him, write poems, make caricatures and little figures of the great man? Poor Fatos Nano! Why is everything going so badly for him, and why is he so unlucky? Twice he became prime minister, and twice he was thrown out before he had even warmed his new chair, without the people having to lift a finger. Even during the period when Ramiz bequeathed and entrusted the leadership of the PS to him, he himself failed to achieve it; the blows came down on his head. A great, truly catastrophic defeat on 22 March 1992. Another defeat on 26 July. That was not enough, and more followed. Ajdin Sejdia and Vilson Ahmeti were arrested, and Nexhmije Hoxha went on trial and was convicted. It seems that he felt indebted to her and powerless to protect her, and experienced this as a terrible earthquake. But he is also deeply indebted to Ramiz Alia and several other block leaders. He is also kept uneasy by the commitments, both near and far, that keep coming his way. “Stay strong, Fatos,” they encourage him and give him patience. “You have done very little for the people and plenty for yourself and your protection. You are clever and understand well that our complete and final defeat is also your personal and family defeat. Set the whole country on fire, so long as our goals are achieved. If you manage that, you will be worth your weight in gold and will go down in history.”

—To the President of the Republic of Kosovo, Mr. Ibrahim Rugova —To the President of the Republic of Macedonia, Mr. Kiro Gligorov —To the Presidency of the Democratic League of Kosovo The tragic event that occurred near Skopje airport, where more than 80 citizens lost their lives, most of them Albanians, was felt with deep sorrow by public opinion throughout Albania. Another new tragedy has been added to those of our nation, one that weighs heavily on the hearts of all Albanians wherever they may be. The Democratic Party of Albania and the citizens it represents, sharing deeply in this common grief, extend to you and to the victims’ families our most sincere condolences.

Albanians everywhere experienced profound sorrow during these days. Albanians wherever they were felt deep sorrow during these days. Among the 81 citizens struck hard by the air disaster near Skopje, most were Albanians. Serbia’s occupation of Kosovo, the international embargo on Kosovo as part of the former Yugoslavia, economic poverty, and the desire of Albanian citizens to survive had long forced the Albanians of Kosovo to become regular passengers at Skopje airport. The painful tragedy of this city was a harsh addition to the dozens of other tragedies this century has inflicted on Albanians. The lamentations and condolences became shared. By sharing in the grief of the victims’ families and in the sorrow in the hearts of all Albanians, Albanians showed that every pain of the nation is shared; in this way it is experienced, eased, and honored. THE EDITORS OF “RD”

WE WISH YOU SUCCESSFUL WORK

DEDICATED TO MARTIN CAMAJ

On Saturday, 6 March 1993, a literary and scientific afternoon dedicated to the distinguished poet, novelist and linguist Martin Camaj was held at the Central Army House. It was organized by the History-Philology Faculty, in the setting of the poet Koçi Petriti, dean of this Faculty, with the assistance of Mr. Alēko Rrapo, sponsor of the gathering. Students of literature, poets, writers, researchers and linguists took part in the afternoon dedicated to M. Camaj, as did Messrs. Pjetër Arbnori, Speaker of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly; Kolec Topalli, Secretary-General of the Presidency; and Ylli Vejsiu, Minister of Education. Koçi Petriti, Anton Berisha, Floresha Doda, Bashkim Kuçuku, Ethem Lika, Ymer Ciraku and others gave presentations on the author’s life, work and creative output. Then students from the literature department recited poems by M. Camaj, which were followed with interest by those present. The organizers distributed to the young writers the first volumes of Camaj’s works, containing his poetry. At the end of the gathering there was a cocktail reception. MUJE BUÇPAPAJ