Mr. Ruçi is known as the architect of the scenario behind the bloodshed of 2 April in Shkodër. Without going into further details about that day, we would recall once again what this figure represents: he was brought to head the Ministry of Internal Affairs in February 1991, after the overthrow of the statue of the dictator Enver Hoxha, as a reward for organizing the Enverist uprisings in Tepelenë, with the aim of marching toward Tirana to kill Democrats, hang the initiators of the creation of the PD, and terrorize the democratic people of Tirana, who had supported the PD from the very first moment as a progressive political force that would orient Albania toward Europe. It must be said that Mr. Ruçi’s hostility toward the PD and the democratic people has characterized his entire career since he joined the leadership of the Socialist Party. His racism and his Enverist conservatism have directed him toward a quixotic campaign against the Democratic Party, which lasted until the winter of 1991. This Hoxha-like man has put his entire potential at the service of destroying the PD. The uniform of the policeman of 2 April 1991 has always dictated that he be an anti-democrat and an inhuman person. Nevertheless, this old Labourite sentiment, stemming from his revisionist Bolshevik formation, has so far secured him only absolute power at the head of the PS, while terrorizing intellectual leaders with genuine socialist convictions. This has marked the greatest contradiction and the greatest absurdity. While the PS is kept only to be moderated and renewed, how can it keep around people who have nothing to do with the ideas of European socialism, social democracy, or the new concepts for building a party with contemporary intellectual participation? Such a person is the old Bolshevik Gramoz Ruçi.

From President SALI BERISHA’s speech at the meeting with the MPs of the PD parliamentary group on the occasion of the conclusion of the People’s Assembly’s work It is a fact that the changes that have taken place during this year have been faster than we predicted. A year ago, Albania was a veritable desert, where nothing could be seen apart from cultivated fields; nothing could be seen anywhere. There were long queues, despair, chaos, gunfire and a feeling of suffocation created by mass exoduses or destruction. But what is very, very positive is that Albanians themselves, in the process of building another society, strongly countered this picture formed within us and, in truth, also abroad about Albania. The pace and speed of progress have been extraordinarily great. The credit for this belongs first and foremost to the Albanian people, who have greatly valued and appreciated democracy. The Government deserves credit, even though it was formed in an allegedly “immoral” way as a government without a program, at the same time as the IMF and the EC were calling the Albanian Government’s program excellent, if you remember, a year ago. Parliament deserves extraordinary credit; it knew how to work intensively for a whole year to fill the enormous legislative void we inherited. It is true that Parliament has been not only a support for the Government, but also its best opposition. I regard this as important in all our work. We need, and will continue to need, opposition. Opposing views are a decisive condition for development. Likewise, I am pleased and greatly value the democratic and very free nature of discussions within the parliamentary group. This is a very positive thing for the standing of the citizen in Albania, and for strengthening our country’s standing as well. In this regard, I believe that during these six months, through the end of the year, matters should be assessed in light of the privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises. But what I urge you to do is prepare our thinking during these six months for the total privatization of our economy. We must consider privatizing even those things that we previously thought we could not privatize. And by envisaging this privatization—that is, all the mines, TELEKOM, ports, etc.—we will encourage Albania’s rapid development and strengthening. Meanwhile, during these six months we will proceed with privatizing the package of 500 enterprises that has been put up for sale; we will submit the law to Parliament and, on the other hand, next year undertake privatization and the rapid strengthening of Albania. In truth, this will be the fullest guarantee that reform in Albania is carried out. We are living through a difficult period, as we have emphasized, also in the sense of conflict in the region. I believe that the policy of restraint is once again the path to success, and we must adhere to it. Naturally, I emphasize once again: our restraint is based on many factors, but fear is not one of them. Those who think that our restraint means fear, and that fear is concealed within our restraint, are gravely mistaken. No. We seek to build, in peace, a democratic state, a democratic society and a market economy, adhering precisely to the principles of a civilized world. And if we bear in mind everything that is involved in building another society, we must not allow it to be compromised under any circumstances. By adhering to the great principles of safeguarding sovereignty and protecting Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, and by continuing to build a democratic state and society, under no circumstances will we be isolated; rather, we will have the support of all those countries, states, institutions and individuals who cherish, value and hold these principles sacred. I am optimistic that September will be better than August, since it is characteristic for every month to bring progressive improvement. However, it is essential that we analyze our work and review it retrospectively. On this occasion, I want to emphasize one point in particular: As a political force that came to power without experience in government, it is inconceivable that we would not have made many mistakes in our work and in the process of governing. That, of course, is understandable. What is unacceptable is failing to stop and examine our mistakes, failing to stop and correct them. I want to emphasize here in particular that it is of capital importance to keep the party program in mind. There can be no discussion of departing from this program, which is binding on the entire PD. It is a program that was voted for by the majority of the Albanian people. If votes have fallen, it is not because the program has failed, but because we have made mistakes and have not known how to present or implement the PD program properly. I am convinced that this also applies to the PD program… (text continues beyond the edge of the photograph) I think the Democratic Party must always be a party of tolerance and dialogue. In this respect, with both parties with which we are in coalition, and which have unquestionably contributed to democracy’s victory, we must broaden the scope of our dialogue with them. The scope for dialogue must be expanded, and it is up to the PD, as the largest party, to show greater openness to dialogue, regardless of the isolated positions of this or that individual. We must consider the major commitments we share with their programs. We must recognize the very efficient work their representatives do in the Government and throughout all levels of the state. This should be valued more than the remarks of any one MP, who, after all, is free to say what they want. If we were to bring into the chamber the discussions held within the PD parliamentary group, they would sometimes reach a high level of aggression and diversity. That is the MP. Therefore, I say that the scope of cooperation must be broadened, as must dialogue. Most important of all is dialogue with citizens, which constitutes direct politics. It is commendable that this dialogue has been maintained to this day. It is very impressive to see the Chairman of the PD, together with government officials, go at 12 noon, in the middle of the heat, to meetings with hundreds and hundreds of citizens and residents in different parts of the country. This practice is admirable and must be expanded further. I assure you that this is how we will develop democracy further. Keeping this dialogue alive is vital and has … it is true that Parliament has been, so to speak, not only a support for the Government, but also the Government’s best opposition. I consider this fact to need, opposition. Opposing thought is in the group of MPs. This is essential and extremely important not only for developing a culture of democratic tolerance, but also for the development of democracy as a whole. This year finds Albania once again in great difficulty. It finds us in great difficulty because, unfortunately, we are situated in a region where conflict and the politics of conflict have become the dominant policy. But despite this, it is very important for us to continue, domestically, with reform and the construction and consolidation of institutions. Reform is the surest way, the most difficult support, for making up for lost time and for strengthening… … Naturally, I emphasize once again: our actions in this regard are based on many factors, but we are not motivated by any of them. Those who think that our restraint is fear, and that our restraint is a retreat, again, we will not lose the will and desire for good-neighborly relations, but, undoubtedly, not without drawing all the necessary conclusions when we see those who, after a year or more of intensive work to establish friendly ties, kick them aside within a week or a day. This conduct does them no credit at all. It is simply an extremely short-sighted policy, unrelated to an election campaign, as circles seeking to excuse them might claim, and instead connected with territorial ambitions that they will never be able to realize. While steadfastly following our course of understanding and good-neighborly relations, naturally, we are and will remain determined to safeguard our sovereignty and territorial integrity… … (Continued on page 6)

On Friday, the PS organized a rally to protest the arrest of the party’s leader, Fatos Nano, accused of corruption. Contrary to how it should have unfolded, this rally took the course planned by the party’s leaders, comrades Servet Pëllumbi, Namik Dokle, Gramoz Ruçi, Kastrit Islami and the other undeclared organizers, who were nevertheless acting very actively. This clan of false mannequins, overcome by communist fever (and everyone knows what a committed, active communist can do if given the opportunity), turned the rally into an illegal one. As soon as the speeches ended, Gramoz Ruçi and his comrades issued the call: “Forward to Skënderbej Square.” The call was acted upon immediately by a crowd of 150-year-olds, drugged by slogans, carrying absurd banners and placards. They led the march with slogans such as “Fatos Nano,” “Long live the Labour Party,” “Enver Hoxha,” “Enver’s Party—we are ready at any time,” and “Long live the PS,” while singing the song “Long live Enver Hoxha”… There were also calls for blood and revenge, for overthrowing democracy by force, and more. Despite all this, the law-enforcement forces behaved naturally: they monitored and periodically restrained the march without using rubber truncheons. We stress that at the rally and during the demonstration there were also social slogans, such as those about bread, electricity, water, etc… (Continued on page 6)

At the rally of the Enverists held on Friday, criminal communists such as K. Islami called for a march toward “Skënderbej” Square. This march was not only illegal because it had not been planned, but it also led to a confrontation between the democratic people of Tirana and the chorus of pro-colonialist Enverists. On this occasion, we have the right to ask: Should the instigators, inspirers and leaders of an attempt at fratricide be held accountable before the law? The organizers of the fratricidal clashes, such as Kastrit Islami and company, must be handed over to justice. The gravity of the criminal acts involved in the clashes among people must be judged accordingly.

— Is there a solution for today’s PS? — Two and a half years ago, in the days of February ’91, amid the toppling of the dictator’s monuments, «RD» put forward an allusive, prophetic question: “Could we really be so foolish as to quarrel over the busts of Fatos Nano too?!...” Even in those days, defending the dictator Enver Hoxha, at the head of the blind crowds was the PS’s plaintive loudspeaker, Dokle, who “thanked” the Enverist hordes demanding blood, covering the entire front page of ZP with the drool of his “greeting”: “Thank you, people!...” So, recalling those cold days of February ’91 and looking at these hot days of July ’93, don’t we see the same pattern? The difference lies in the different times and in the crowds. The crowds are no longer with them; they have dwindled and become clear-sighted over time, through property and meaningful work, through the once-denied freedom and a clear conscience. The difference also lies in the “idol” figures keeping this “pattern” alive: in February ’91, Enver; in July ’93, Fatos. «RD»’s prophetic allusion really did prove prophetic!... And why would this prophecy come to life? Because there is a social base that keeps it alive. It is precisely that section of society which comes to us from both yesterday and today as compromised, and which finds protection in a dictatorial philosophical foundation of its own. The symbiosis in both periods under discussion is summed up in the symbol of “Enverism”! All the worse when the bearers of this symbol in both periods are at the head of a party, in leadership positions and on its executive committee… Their names are Ruçi, Dokle, Brokaj, etc. They accuse this new era, the antithesis of the dictatorship of the past, of being a “dictatorship.” Is it not therefore a logical consequence—and not merely a logical one—that they support the antithesis of the “dictatorship” of which they accuse us? And is the antithesis of this dictatorship not the “democratic” dictatorship of violence? So, the PS leadership, if we may call it that, does not stand for a democratic dictatorship, but for their dictatorship of violence, which has no other name than ENVERISM!... This close bond of theirs is the “bond between the PS and Enverism”! But is there a solution for today’s PS? There is only one solution, which above all would benefit Albania and, naturally, the PS as well: the part at the top must leave… (Continued on page 4)

[Illustration: a man holds a placard reading “ENVERI…”; illustrator’s signature: “Rubens” [?]] [Faint writing beneath the illustration: “… AK…” [?]]