- For Albania, for 1992–1993, within the framework of the PHARE Programme, 1.1 million ECU was allocated, through which around 150 Albanian businesspeople received credit, and 7 Regional Business Agencies were established to serve their activities throughout Albania. - For 1993–1994, the Albanian government has allocated 4.5 million ECU from the PHARE Programme fund for the development of small and medium-sized enterprises. - The German, American and Italian governments have allocated 16 million DM, 6 million dollars and 3 billion Lire, respectively. By government decision, in recent months a Directorate for the Formulation of Policy on Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises has been established within the Ministry of Trade and Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries. In Albania’s current circumstances, there is a high unemployment rate, a lack of a developed and efficient industry, hesitation to make large-capital investments, rapid growth in small businesses, and a strong entrepreneurial spirit among Albanian businesspeople. The government intends to draw up a programme to encourage, establish and support small and medium-sized enterprises, Minister of Trade and Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries Artan Hoxha told the Albanian Telegraphic Agency. This is essential to the creation and success of a free economy and will give our economy’s development an impetus. This is precisely the aim of the new directorate. Creating the most suitable legal, fiscal and financial environment, while maintaining the most active and reciprocal cooperation with all government bodies, such as our banking system, and with all commercial institutions, organizations and associations of vari— (continued on page 2)

The color of corruption is black One of the many reasons the DP won the people’s vote of confidence was its commitment, incorporated into its electoral programme, to wage a merciless fight against corruption. Against the corruption that had reached the peak of its curve and was eating away at the state. Winning the people’s vote of confidence certainly had to be accompanied by efforts to deserve that confidence. The anemic Audit and Inspection Commission of the totalitarian state was replaced by a body with a clearly defined mandate to fight this widespread phenomenon. The principle of the democratic forces in this struggle has been, and remains, that corruption has only one color: black. The democratic forces’ thinking during their time in government has been, and remains, that corruption is not a matter of party affiliation but a personal trait, an expression of greed to gain as much as possible. A person with nothing can be corrupt; so can a millionaire who aims to become a multimillionaire or a billionaire. In this context, the democratic forces’ target has made no exceptions: customs officers, poli— around 9 million dollars ranks first. A success for the democratic forces? Without wishing to portray this duty as a success, I would say it represents fulfillment of the commitment these forces took upon themselves. It is one more indicator that should make voters feel proud of their vote for them. On the contrary, tolerating the corrupt, flirting with them, would be a new form of corruption, a betrayal of the voters’ trust. Many efforts have been made to politicize the fight against this scourge of the state and society. The corrupt Socialist leaders have found the formula: they stigmatize the accusations against them as a political campaign. And it is curious that only our Socialist leaders have this mentality. Corruption is also being targeted in other countries, but those accused do not focus their efforts on constructing counteraccusations; they focus on refuting the charges brought against them. But we do not justify our Socialists’ mentality as one that stems from a system of reference such as Enver; Isn’t …personal gain is an expression of greed for acquiring corruptible, and so can a millionaire who seeks the targets of the democratic forces have been no exception: customs officers, financial police officers, justice employees and enterprise managers have fallen within the scope of the specialized agencies engaged in this fight. But undoubtedly, the cases would form a classification of the greatest corruption uncovered so far; undoubtedly, it is the corruption that occurred during Nano’s government, from which…

“PS Rally-Goers” or “Still Life” “PS Rally-Goers” or “Still Life”

. Fatos Nano was arrested, as expected. The charge is now known: abuse of office and falsification of documents. The accusation is directed at the former prime minister of the PPSH government in 1991, who, not coincidentally, was also chairman of the PS until the day he was arrested. The prearranged reaction of the darkest and most reactionary forces was such that it could have caused a major civil conflict. Had the bloody history of the Enverists not been skillfully restrained by the forces responsible for maintaining public order, there really could have been skulls cracked—among them the anthropomorphic skull of K. Islami, who made the call. It is very well known who the hysterics were, howling like wolves after this event, but they should know that they will leave more blood behind than they did in the past, and no one will let them stain their hands with new blood. It is known that bloodless vampires perish; that is why the former Sigurimi agents and criminals are howling, baring the vampire fangs they had hidden for a while. Seeing that their end had come, the criminals who have taken over the leadership of the PS stirred up the hysteria of their blind followers. The thief and criminal Nano, supported by Ruci, Brokaj and Islami, every bit as deserving as he is on the path of crime, are trying to drag the ordinary members of the PS, who have pure socialist ideals, into their criminal straits. With filthy, typically communist propaganda, they present the arrest of the thief as a political act against the PS. In other words, they pin on the entire PS the thefts and crimes of which Nano is accused. In this way they seek to make all PS members feel guilty and threatened, and thus use them as cannon fodder, as a shield for their crimes, thefts and corruption. It is obvious that Ruci of April 2 will howl to protect Nano, as will Brokaj, whom the “missing” Italian and French aid will not leave alone, and Islami, whose private companies he signed off on for reasons unknown. But an ordinary socialist has nothing in common with them. This time they suddenly backed down, holding up the cross in front of them, but it is well known that unless their hearts are pierced with the wooden stake, vampires will keep rising to seek new blood. So those who seek to crack skulls would do well to protect their own, because they have a lot more sins inside them. It is logical that those who accuse you of dictatorship and fanaticism should be tolerant and peaceful, but the Socialist leaders’ calls for “cracking skulls” show the opposite. Be that as it may, they are doing a great service by reminding those who have forgotten where the communists stand and what kind of democracy they would establish if they returned to power. Therefore, anyone who claims to fight for democracy knows where they should stand. Those who follow leaders of crime such as Nano, Ruci or Brokaj are calling for the return of blood-soaked communism.

Among the most concentrated and systematic attacks provoked by the propaganda system of the PP (S) against the government and the democratic state has been: “The Democrats are temporary in power”; that “they will fall,” “the social-communists will take power again,” etc. This propaganda, almost without equal on the political scene, has been carried out during these months of the Democrats’ exercise of power with a tragic thread and a sense of fatalism, so much so that it has seemed more like a lament for lost power than a serious effort to climb back into power. The social-communists had lost it three times within a year and had no chance of trying again. Nevertheless, the theory of the Bolshevik attack produced the idea of the Democrats’ temporariness as early as 23 March 1993. The Punistët, from the historical low point where they had found themselves, formulated the phrase “The Government will not see autumn” and circulated it widely. After autumn had passed, the nervous failures—not only through “ZP,” but also through the wretched missions of the Trotskyists at the doors of towns and villages—told Albanians that “the government will not be able to enter winter.” In winter, the columns of propaganda attacks by propagandists, secretaries, comrades and female comrades grew. Those directed from above, who made sure they were put to better use in processing news, slanders and threats against the people, spoke of the government’s fall, chaos, isolation, being consigned to oblivion, surrender—or, more clearly, said that the Democrats’ temporariness would become reality in spring. But now Nano’s campaign, or “his winter operation,” put forward the idea not only that the democratic government was temporary, but that the entire power of the Democrats, given a four-year mandate by the vote of 22 March 1992, was temporary. Nano was therefore seeking a fundamental solution involving new elections. The communist theatre, sometimes in open squares and sometimes in closed halls, staged the historic committee of the Albanian Dokishatët, who summoned all their 50 years of experience to devise attacks against the de- (continued on page 4)

- “ZP,” true to its tradition, adds one or two zeros to the figures - Young people laugh, mock and revolt - The rallies in defense of Nano fail to attract decent people According to its 52-year tradition, “ZP” shamelessly lies about the true numbers of those attending its rallies in support of Nano, corruption and injustice. On the front page of its 31 July issue, it gave figures for the Tirana rally that left thousands of Tirana residents—who had seen with their own eyes how many were really there—speechless with astonishment and indignation at how one could lie so unscrupulously. There were around 4,000–5,000 Enver nostalgics, supporters of his era and of the blind defense of Nano. In Fier, the actual number of rally-goers was 800–900. In Kuçovë, where the leadership expected a huge turnout, around 300–400 Nano supporters came to the rally. In Tepelenë, 600–700 people took the trouble not to disappoint the party. In Durrës and Elbasan, around 2,000 rally-goers shouted for Nano. These figures also include curious onlookers and indifferent spectators who wanted to see a variety show or comedy at the PS rallies. The PS leaders in Fier were themselves bewildered and received a telegram from Tirana telling them that the headquarters expected them to hold an unprecedented, historic rally. But only 100 people, like a drugged historic chorus or crowd, repeated like hoarse parrots the slogans they had been taught and given in writing. Most of the serious, unpaid participants left 4–5 minutes after the rally began, when the speakers started using insults and threats from the stock of slogans and quotations by Enver Hoxha and Fatos Nano instead of arguments. The same happened in the other towns. A shocking blow to the PS chiefs in Dibër and the nationalist headquarters in Tirana was the “rally” at that city’s stadium, attended by around 70 people. Zëri i Popullit’s Abdurahim Ashiku, in yesterday’s issue, covered it under the headline “Socialist avalanche.” But the television camera footage broadcast on Monday tore his headline to shreds. In reality, the complete failure in Dibër could be titled “The avalanche of abandonment” of the Nanoist leaders by the mass of members with genuinely socialist ideals. At this sorry excuse for a rally, there were more delegates from Tirana than participants from Dibër. And it is understandable why such an alarming phenomenon occurred for the PS leadership. The mass of PS members with pure socia- (continued on page 2)

This is reported by “ZP,” and the “right-wing alliance” confirms it. The number of people who have formed this new party is, by “historical coincidence,” 200 (according to “ZP,” in any case). Until now the world has known parties of every kind, including the strangest, but it had never known a party of thieves—at least, not one like the party Nano created. Nano has given us a tradition, and this is a rare event for a political party. Prompted by such a report, we learned that the prisoners in this party, including its chairman, have a problem: it has attracted people who are outside prison and carry sins on their shoulders. They not only make no effort to atone for their sins, but add to them. Apparently, they want to join this new party created by their political leader and business partner. So, at any rate, Albania now also has a party of thieves, led by chief thief Nano. E. P.

It is regrettable that one of the world’s most anti-communist broadcasters should also become a spokesperson for former communist forces in Albania. Recently, this agency’s analyses of political developments in Albania have been based on statements by socialist leaders. A flagrant example is the BBC report about the “arrest” of Th. Gellçi, editor-in-chief of “ZP.” In fact, he was detained and arrested, and was released the following day. We hope that BBC correspondents will not go on arresting people. We hope the BBC will not continue to be called “The Voice of Socialism,” as thousands of regular listeners to its correspondence call it, since neither its ethics, its integrity nor its standing would want this self-chosen name used by BBC correspondents.

TOMORROW WILL BE

• “THE FUSHË ARRESI TRAGEDY—A MACABRE WORK OF THE SOCIAL-COMMUNIST ‘SCORCHED EARTH’.” — 38 VICTIMS WHO CONTINUE TO BE INSULTED BY THE JUSTICE SYSTEM.