- Breaking skulls, dragging people along the ground, protecting corruption, etc. - The criminals from the Enverist rallies of February ’91, the United Military School and 2 April came out of their holes and reunited. - The judiciary is given the opportunity to investigate criminals who had “disappeared” from circulation. - The SP leadership forces its members to sign a petition of shame. When the program of the “newly formed” party, the SP, was announced, quite a few people were somewhat “confused”; the SP program differed only slightly from that of the DP. Thus, in the elections of 22 March, it would have been normal for the two parties to receive roughly similar numbers of votes. But, as is well known, the DP received over 70 percent of the vote in those elections. The reason is obvious: How could people trust those who (not even counting the 50-year period) only a few months before proclaiming in their program that they supported Human Rights had been screaming for blood at Enverist rallies; those who, just two days after reaffirming their “power,” killed four people whose only fault was that they could no longer stand the foul stench of communism. So how could people trust those who spoke to them about democracy while their hands were still dripping with blood? That is why the DP triumphed. But the days passed. The DP’s triumph drove the criminals into their holes to escape just revenge. Meanwhile, the DP declared that it did not seek revenge, because the DP could not continue the class struggle, a product of the PP. People who had been imprisoned for dozens of years, relatives of those executed without trial, people who had spent their lives in internment, forgave them: “We do not want revenge.” And the days and months passed; time worked on people’s minds, their memories faded and they forgot. This is how former members of the Bloc began protesting that their “fundamental rights” had been violated, but this is only a diversion, a pulse-taking exercise. Nevertheless, democracy is the same for everyone; in Albania it even goes beyond its limits. In Albania, there is democracy even for criminals. The “ZP” and the SP scream on behalf of every arrested criminal and thief, and the judiciary opens the doors of its “kingdom,” lest democracy be harmed. So the days go by, and the rats see that democracy does not threaten them; then they begin to come out of their holes and reunite. Former State Security agents appear, former criminals from 326, instigators of the Enverist rallies, organizers of the coup at the United Military School, the killers of 2 April—and they reunite. They see that everything is going well for them, and then they feel powerful. Many of them no longer have teeth in their mouths, not because the prison guard knocked them out, but because they lost them on white bread, through old age. Nevertheless, they gathered. The opportunity came their way, as it once did for Enver; today the day has come to defend crime in Fatos’s name. And, to the “astonishment” of those who had forgotten, they hysterically announced their program again: breaking skulls, dragging people along the ground, reopening Spaç and Burrel, protecting corruption. Moreover, without the slightest concern, the SP leadership makes its members sign a petition of shame. A petition on which every SP member must sign a blank sheet of paper declaring that they defend corruption and thieves. In any case, it is good that they are coming out of their holes, because this gives the judiciary an opportunity to investigate criminals who had “disappeared” from our field of vision. They reminded us that they are still there, waiting—waiting for justice to give them what they deserve, because there can be no freedom for a criminal. To give a criminal freedom means restricting everyone else’s freedoms. The problem is to ensure that the program of crime re-proclaimed by the SP leaders does not alienate SP members with genuine socialist and humane ideals. -ZP-

On 4 August, a meeting took place at the PSD headquarters between a DP delegation led by its chairman, Mr. Eduard Selami, and a PSD delegation led by its chairman, Mr. Skënder Gjinushi. The delegations also included Messrs. Tomorr Dosti and Engjëll Hysenbegasi for the DP, and Messrs. Paskal Milo, Gaqo Apostoli and Gjergj Rrakaj for the PSD. The meeting discussed the coalition between the two parties as well as the latest situation in Albania. It was emphasized at the meeting that, despite the exchanges of retorts and the differences between the DP and PSD, both parties agreed to continue the coalition and that there was no reason for it not to continue. In order to make the coalition more fruitful and beneficial to both parties, the DP delegation requested that the PSD return to Parliament, since the reasons for its departure from Parliament were remediable and did not justify its nonparticipation. The PSD delegation requested that its return to Parliament be accompanied by a commitment from the DP to speed up the work on transferring the Constitution to the Constitutional Commission. The DP considered this request fully acceptable, and the PSD delegation asked to consult with the relevant bodies before giving a final response, which would be discussed at their next meeting. The meeting also discussed issues concerning the coalition at central and local government levels, as well as matters relating to the two parties’ press outlets. Regarding the current situation, it was noted during the discussions that tensions had arisen as a result of the Socialist Party’s extremist actions to defend its chairman at all costs, who is under arrest for corruption. It was agreed in conclusion that the above matters would be further developed and specified at future meetings, to which the Republican Party would also be invited; these meetings would henceforth be institutionalized. Press and Information Office of the Albanian Democratic Party.

Yesterday, after attending the activists’ meeting of the DP branch in Kuçovë, DP Chairman Mr. Eduard Selami set off for Durrës. In Durrës, at around 18:00, a meeting was held with members of the District and Municipal Councils. Prime Minister Mr. Aleksandër Meksi and MPs from Durrës were also present. After the meeting with the presidium of the District Council, Messrs. Selami and Meksi took part in the meeting held with this meeting was also attended by Prime Minister Mr. Aleksandër Meksi and MPs from Durrës. At the meeting, they discussed these activities, and we will inform you about them in future issues. “RD” correspondent

The master[?] of attacks laced with dramatic epithets, Idriz Basha, a fellow villager of Namik Doklës, the SP leader and organizer of the illegal rallies of recent times, is seeking to settle old debts in a shameful manner. The master[?] of attacks laced with dramatic epithets, Idriz Basha, a fellow villager of Namik Doklës, the SP leader and organizer of the illegal rallies of recent times, is seeking to settle old debts in a shameful manner—while the dollars in European Community aid to Albania are at issue. Basha would do better, given the qualities he attributes to himself, to tell the world that 8 million dollars of aid given to Albania are missing, rather than tell the world that the man who deceives his own people and the EC is innocent and a distinguished intellectual! It is very strange that Basha and several others stood alongside the DP at the beginning of democracy, but as soon as their candidacies failed to win them parliamentary seats, they turned against the DP like madmen, going to the extreme. Strangely, Basha, a member of the presidency of the PAD, publishes pro-Nano and pro-communist statements in “ZP” in his capacity as a self-appointed and self-proclaimed representative of the EC in Albania, at a time when the actual EC representative has been in Tirana for a long time, with an office and staff. Being far from Albania and known as a rabid anti-democrat (and only communists are rabid), I. Basha, with his equation of security + career, declares that Nano is innocent and a capable intellectual! Comrade Basha draws up a case that no one accuses Nano of incompetence; on the contrary, he is accused of abuse of office and of embezzlement through fraud and theft of 8 million dollars in EC aid to Albania. Given the qualities he claims for himself, Basha would do better given to Albania are missing, rather than say EC is innocent and a distinguished intellectual! We do not understand Basha’s position as a member of the PAD presidency either, when PAD MPs voted in favor of lifting Nano’s immunity. Basha calls the votes of five of the six parties in Parliament a dictatorship; and he is not to blame, because he has never experienced dictatorship and his know-it-all attitude also gives him the supposed authority to speak on behalf of European organizations without holding any such position.

- “ZP” draws a parallel between Nano’s arrest and that of Drashkovic - In an article in yesterday’s issue of “ZP”, under the heading “parallel”, the deputy editor-in-chief of “ZP” “discovers” a parallel between Milosheviç and President Berisha. According to him, the parallel lies in the fact that President Berisha too has arrested the opposition leader, just as Milosheviç did with Drashkoviç. Of course, the author “forgets” to mention that the opposition leader in Albania was arrested not as a politician, but as an ordinary thief. Nevertheless, the crux of my reply lies elsewhere. Since we are talking about parallels, Mr. Rama mentions in his article that after Drashkoviç was imprisoned, “international public opinion (mainly politicians, among them the President of France, Fransua Miterra, who was at the forefront) immediately rose to his defense because they considered the arrest of a party leader a ‘flagrant violation of individual rights.’” This is what Mr. Rama says, perhaps without realizing that he is “wrong”—he “is wrong” because in doing so he reveals a great truth. It is true that many political figures protested Drashkoviç’s arrest, but they protested because his arrest was carried out for political purposes. As for the fact that he was a party leader, that means nothing, since the democratic world has seen cases in which prime ministers and presidents of countries have been arrested for corruption. That is precisely why, perhaps without realizing it (if he did not do it deliberately), the deputy editor-in-chief of “ZP”, instead of defending Nano, condemns him. For if we follow his parallel through to its logical conclusion, we would ask: “Which world political figures have protested Nano’s arrest?” (Perhaps Papandreu and Kraksi will protest.) Does this not show that world political figures also regard Nano’s arrest as the arrest of an ordinary thief?

Today’s corrupt are yesterday’s persecuted STATEMENT The National Association of the Politically and Economically Persecuted (Former Kulaks) strongly supports this action by the Albanian judiciary, which, for the first time, has brought the corrupt before the law. The judiciary must strike hard at those who break the law, since it is known that today’s corrupt were yesterday’s persecutors, who have not only yet to appear before justice but also dare to threaten the democratic government and the Albanian judiciary. We demand the purging of the central and local state authorities of the red rulers. ON BEHALF OF THE GENERAL PRESIDENCY OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF THE ECONOMICALLY AND POLITICALLY PERSECUTED (FORMER KULAKS) OF ALBANIA CHAIRMAN HAKI HAJDARI

ON THE STATUS OF FORMER POLITICAL PRISONERS AND PERSECUTEES BY THE COMMUNIST SYSTEM Pursuant to Article 16 of Law No. 7491, dated 29.4.1991, “On the Main Constitutional Provisions,” on the proposal of the Council of Ministers, THE PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA DECIDES DEFINITIONS Article 1 The status of former political prisoners and persecutees, hereinafter referred to as the “status,” sets out the basic criteria and conditions for a person to be considered a political prisoner or persecuted person, and also determines the rights and obligations arising from it in accordance with the degree of persecution. Article 2 A politically persecuted person, hereinafter referred to as a “persecutee,” means any act or omission carried out between 8.11.1941 and 22.12.1990 by any armed formation or individual, the National Liberation Army, the State Security service, the police, the army, or local government bodies, by order or decision of party, military, state, or judicial bodies of the former Albanian communists, where such act or omission caused loss of life or liberty, deprivation of civil rights, designation as a kulak or declassed person, as well as any other deprivation of an individual’s participation in political, economic, and social life on account of that person’s political or religious beliefs or position. CATEGORIES OF FORMER POLITICAL PRISONERS AND PERSECUTEES Article 3 Under the Law “On Reconciliation and Amnesty for Former Political Prisoners and Persecutees,” No. 7510, as amended by Law No. 7660, dated 14.1.1993, and Law No. 7719, dated 8.6.1993, politically persecuted persons under this status are divided into five categories: a) Persons who lost their lives or became mentally ill as a result of persecution. b) Persons sentenced to imprisonment or who remained at large within the country as a result of persecution. c) Persons sentenced to internment or expulsion as a result of persecution; Albanian persons who held foreign citizenship, are now Albanian citizens, and lived in concentration camps established specifically for them. d) Persons who lost their civil rights, village kulaks, those declared declassed, and those who suffered various kinds of deprivation as a result of persecution. e) Persons who, although they meet the conditions for classification in one of the above categories, do not qualify for the rights under this status. Article 4 Albanian citizens who lost their lives, liberty, or suffered other deprivations mentioned in Article 3, points a, b, c, and d, outside the territory of Albania while working in the administration there during the years of the anti-fascist war or later, as a result of being unable to remain in Albania because of the persecution inflicted upon them, shall be entitled to the full rights guaranteed by this status, regardless of whether the final act of persecution was carried out by Yugoslav communist forces. Article 5 The persons categorized under Article 3, point “a,” are: a) The senior communist nomenklatura, according to the criteria approved by the Council of Ministers. b) Collaborators of the State Security service and witnesses in political trials whose activities directly led to crimes such as killings, imprisonment, internment, expulsion, etc. c) Political prisoners whose sentence included the crime of theft, (Continued on page 2)