BASHKIM KOPLIKU DEPUTY CHAIRMAN OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS BASHKIM KOPLIKU DEPUTY CHAIRMAN OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS In our country, the need for the swiftest possible privatization is becoming clear to almost everyone. Speed remains the main criterion, especially for small and large enterprises. Should we wait until we have finished endless discussions about the most optimal, most scientific, fairest, most transparent, etc. forms of privatization, and only then privatize the enterprises? Or should we discuss and privatize at the same time? A study of the experience of foreign countries and the views of foreign experts, Albanian politicians, and experts in various fields shows that the forms of privatization are varied and endless. There is no form of privatization that satisfies every wish, even among people within the same political party, let alone across different parties. The government issued Council of Ministers Decision No. 248, dated 27.06.93, on several measures for the privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises. It resolves some privatization issues and introduces, for the first time, several incentives for privatization that seek to engage many forces at once, including both enterprise employees and local government, etc. The first results are already visible: newspapers are full of lists announcing the privatization of various enterprises in Albania, and the first signs indicate that demand for privatizing these enterprises is not low. We believe it would be useful to clarify for the wider public the new measures introduced through this Decision. MANDATORY PUBLICATION. Ministers who ensure that an enterprise is privatized may be rewarded with up to 24 average monthly salaries, from 20 percent of the proceeds received from privatization. We will not burden the reader with detailed explanations that are part of the Decision, but we draw attention to the fact that this decision marks the direct beginning of the transfer of part of public property. This reward goes both to employees who become owners and to those who do not. Second, enterprise employees are favored when they are the ones buying the enterprise, enabling them to privatize it at a price up to three times lower than that paid by other Albanian competitors and up to nine times lower than that paid by foreign competitors. Third, without going into further detail, it is worth emphasizing that when employees are not financially able to raise all the money needed to privatize the enterprise, they may join with one or more investors from outside the enterprise, who can pay for most of it. Since the enterprise employees have become co-owners, the outside investor, who is not an employee of the enterprise, is also granted the right to buy at up to three times lower a price! We believe this will make many investors interested in entering into such co-ownership, despite the tendency to be the sole owner, which is also rooted in a lack of experience in managing enterprises with many owners. They knew how to show their worth through deeds, both to today’s PS and to the most hapless Kastriot Islami, to whom they had entrusted the esteemed and honorable name of deputy, but whom one day in August 1993 they sent off as charlatans, careerists, and deceivers are sent off. They demonstrated their faith in true democracy, although... THE SOCIALIST LEADERS VIOLATED THE MALLAKASTRIOTI TRADITION OF HOSPITALITY...! At the hour when, according to custom, local officials should have welcomed the highest government dignitaries, ministers Tritan Shehu, Agron Musaraj, Dashamir Shehi, Abdyl Xhaja, and also the head of the DP’s organization, Mr. Afrim Haçi, the socialists, led by the chairman of the district council, comrade Fiqiri Haziu, hid themselves. Their utterly absurd excuse: “We want an official notification...” Although the chairman of the district branch of the DP had repeated this news to them several times. But the people of Mallakastër were not disgraced. They welcomed members of the Democratic Government with applause and cheers, lined up along both sides of the boulevard in their town of Ballsh. And not only outside, on both sides of the road, but... THE HALL WAS TOO SMALL FOR THE THOUSANDS OF MALLAKASTRIOT HEARTS CHANTING “FREEDOM, DEMOCRACY,” “LONG LIVE SALI BERISHA,” ETC., ETC. As soon as Minister Tritan Shehu was given the floor, the hall resounded with enthusiastic applause and chants: “Down with Fatos Nano,” “All the thieves in prison,” “Kaç Islami in a cell,” etc. “I thank you, Democrats, and all the honest people of Mallakastër who showed the way to those who seek to crack skulls and drag people along the ground,” Mr. Tritan Shehu said at the beginning of his speech. (The hall: “Down with the thieves of Nano’s clique.”) Be assured that F. Nano and his clique are acting today as their predecessors E. Hoxha and R. Alia did, trying to sacrifice an entire party for their personal interests, which is no longer rational. The path of entering... From foreign countries, the views of foreign experts, and those of Albanian politicians and experts in various fields, it is clear is no form of privatization that can satisfy everyone’s wishes, among people belonging to different parties. Naturally, a form must be used that is also a compromise between differing wishes. And this form of privatization must, of course, be in keeping with the program of the Democratic Party and with the laws in force. From just these few points we have made above, the complexity of the issue is clear; this makes it difficult to find the most suitable form and consequently requires a long time. We must privatize quickly, even if we accept partial solutions in the form of privatization, because otherwise the losses incurred while searching for the “perfect” solution would be far greater than the gains we would make from it. That is what was done. After the decisions to privatize shops, transport vehicles and agricultural machinery; the privatization of

—Statement by the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha— Recently, the Serbian authorities committed a provocative act against the Republic of Albania. On 6 August 1993, Serbian soldiers on the border between Albania and Kosovo, entirely unprovoked and without any warning, opened fire twice in one day on Albanian border patrols and Albanian civilians who were inside Albanian territory, wounding three people, two soldiers and one civilian, two of them seriously. The circumstances of the incident were verified and confirmed by the EC Observer Mission. This incident was preceded by the submission to Albania’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs of a note from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade, presenting complaints about three incidents allegedly provoked recently by the Albanian side on the shared border. None of the cases presented had any real basis, and this was confirmed for one of them by the EC Observer Mission as well. It is worth mentioning that the killings of Albanian citizens by Serbian armed forces are a recurring event. The most brutal case was undoubtedly at the end of April 1993, when, on the night of the Pope’s visit to Albania, eight unarmed young men from Albania were captured at the border and executed by Serbian military personnel. In total, as a result of such provocations since the beginning of 1992, about 23 Albanian citizens have been killed and others wounded. Also, over the past week there has been a considerable increase in Serbian state terrorism in Kosovo against the Albanian population, expressed in a multiplication of the usual number of police attacks against residents. There has also been no shortage of provocations by the ultranationalist forces of V. Sheshel, who, by organizing ambushes and attacks on Serbian policemen in Kosovo, have tried to shift the blame onto the Albanians, who are already known for their civil and peaceful resistance. These repeated and escalating provocations, as well as the waves of ultranationalism that have erupted in other countries and seek to draw them into alignment with the Serbian regime, testify to a strategy by Belgrade and its friends in the region, aimed at increasing tension and destabilization in the Southern Balkans and spreading war. I call on the Security Council, NATO, and other international organizations to take measures as soon as possible to prevent the outbreak of conflict in the Southern Balkans, which would undoubtedly engulf the entire Peninsula. On this occasion, we reiterate our view that a solution to the question of Kosovo’s status can be achieved by making the lifting of the embargo on Serbia conditional and placing Kosovo under the control of NATO or the UN. Tirana, 10 August 1993

—Large popular rally in Ballsh— Although the PS won twice in Mallakastër, on 22 March and 26 July, for local government, the view arose that the people of Mallakastër were a strong bastion of social-communism, Enverists and communists, irredeemably conservative. But time showed that this was not so. Despite the PS’s shouting about its absolute power in Mallakastër, despite the balloon-like attempts of deputy Kacic, and despite the large print run and free distribution of the “leaflet,” the people of Mallakastër were not moved from what was right by crime. But we are no longer in the era of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Conservative forces have united today to defend the corruption and crimes of the past, and calls are once again being made as they were many years ago. Meanwhile, there is no logic in the uncompromised mass of the PS today, in a democratic state, sacrificing itself to prevent justice. Around 1 Mallakastër will soon be equipped with all the necessary means, Minister of Public Order. THE SPECTER OF UNEMPLOYMENT WILL BE DEFEATED Fifteen months ago, we found the economic situation at its worst, even worse than in the first years after the war. Back then we had no problems of ownership or debts to others. At the beginning of democratic government, the state... They are a stronghold of social-communism, they are Enverists and communists, unreformable conservatives. But time showed otherwise. Despite the PS’s cries of absolute authority in Mallakastër, despite Deputy Kastri’s empty promises, despite the large circulation and free distribution of the “tract,” “ZP,” the people of Mallakastër were not deceived. We can say with certainty that this is the only case in today’s Europe where populist actions are being used in an attempt to obstruct the enforcement of the law. The only case in Europe where people threaten to abandon every form of government in order to protect crime. And they forget that the people gave them their vote for this government. In fact, so far, every form of government they have pursued has been purely destructive and has aimed from the outset to lead the country back into a confrontation of forces. Because, according to them, the dictatorship of the proletariat can be established only through anti-democratic and violent actions. Let it be clear that today’s state governed by the rule of law cannot allow such criminal acts. You yourselves have now said “stop.” Islami, who has issued calls with kare... bre. But this person has several times issued calls of that kind, leading to mass confrontations and bloodshed. Your stance further raises the patriotic and democratic values of your region. Everyone should know well that the time of every fascist or communist dictatorship has passed in Albania — Mr Tritan Shehu concluded.

There has been much criticism that “privatizations are being carried out secretly, without anyone finding out.” The Decision puts an end to this possible phenomenon by introducing transparency: the privatization of every enterprise must be announced at least four times in national newspapers and at least four times in local newspapers or at places where notices are posted. (On this occasion, I call on all newspapers to continue publishing notices about enterprises being privatized, because in this way they inform their readers.) This publication will be documented and will also ensure the broadest possible participation in privatization.

Before this Decision, employees of an enterprise being privatized received no direct benefit in their own pockets. Under this Decision, every employee of the enterprise...

Positions on this very delicate issue range from one extreme to the other, from those who say (Continued on page 4)

As always, I have complete confidence that the people of Mallakastër, who were at the forefront of Albanian patriotism, said at this gathering the Minister of Public Order, Mr. Agron Musaraj. Kastriot Islami, with his misguided personal policies, seeks to bring shame upon our entire region of Mallakastër. His wish, when he was a student, was to become youth secretary. And in order to fulfill this dream, he kept the files of his fellow villager Mehmet Shehu at his home, until the latter was killed—or was they killed him. Mr. Musaraj went on to speak about order and peace in the district of Mallakastër, where he boldly said that there had long been peace and order here. Although Mallakastër remains at a low level in this regard, you have shown that the level can quickly be higher. The recent case involving the German citizen should be proof of...

15 even worse than in the years before and after the war. At that time, we had no property disputes or debts to others. At the beginning of democratic governance, the Communist state left us with 600 million dollars in foreign debt and 40 percent in domestic debt. This is how Minister Dashamir Shehi began his speech at the large public rally of the people of Mallakastër. From that moment on, we undertook to carry out several reforms: political, administrative, legal, economic and financial, socio-psychological, in the field of ownership, and so on. We are pleased to note that, with our political reform, we have advanced much further than the other former communist countries of Eastern Europe. As I mentioned above, we began economic reform with a very deep deficit. We have achieved stability in the national finances. Compare this year: domestic debt is only 10 percent, whereas last year it was 40 percent. During this year and beyond, the market for goods has become quite stable, both for food products, with a range that meets European standards, and for industrial goods. For the first time, our democratic state will implement real wage increases, invest in the public sector, and significantly raise pensions for all categories. (The hall chants: “Long live the Democratic Government,” “Down with the social-communist thieves.”) By the end of 1993, many small and medium-sized enterprises will have been privatized, because privatization itself can bring economic prosperity to the country. In the second half of this year, we will begin creating new jobs; in this way, it will be possible to defeat the ghoul of unemployment. For the first time, in 1994, we will reap the first benefits of investments in tourism, infrastructure, and so on. Recovery has begun. Albania will move only forward — Minister Shehi concluded. (Applause, successive slogans in support of the Meksi government, President Berisha, PDSH, etc.) THE GOLDEN BLACK FUTURE Minister Abdyl Xhaja, as expected, spoke with the Mallakastër audience about the golden black present and future with DYELMAN KARAJ (Continued on page 2)

A thoroughly just decision by the Constitutional Court Under the constitutional provisions, following a request from the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office addressed to the Presidium of Parliament, the deputies gathered in a plenary session discussed and decided that the former communist prime minister Fatos Nano should be brought before justice. Many of the accusations and facts that incriminate Nano have been made public for some time, and day by day they have made the prosecutors’ decision to pursue criminal proceedings against him increasingly evident. The reasons for the doubt that Nano would be arrested were called into question, since everyone linked the accusations against him; nevertheless, his arrest provoked reactions among some socialist groups. These reactions are clearly not spontaneous, but prepared in advance with the aim of unsettling the prosecutors and, in particular, challenging the legality of the actions of the justice authorities. It is perhaps no coincidence that, in its “demonstration” of strength, the PS leadership joined in with the threat that the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office decision to arrest Nano was unconstitutional, and asked the Constitutional Court to annul it. But the Constitutional Court’s decision to dismiss that absurd request showed that, in reality, high-level corruption will be brought before justice. This was the first decision the justice authorities have taken against this corruption. Someone so corrupt, with his cronies, cries out that he is being treated unjustly. But let us suppose that the Constitutional Court had considered the request of the PS leadership legitimate and had left Parliament free to meet once more and decide to strip Nano of his mandate (because I do not believe the PS group doubts that the parliamentarians would decide this), surely Nano would not even have had time to know the hair on his shaved head before he was arrested again for the crime he committed, under another decision by the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office to arrest him—which in any case would have been immune to the claim that the arrest decision was “unconstitutional.” Or had his comrades perhaps thought that by getting him out of prison they would give Nano time and an opportunity to seek political support from foreign friends? There have been cases around the world in which courts, despite acting under the law, have issued unjust decisions, whereas the Constitutional Court’s decision is not only based on the law, but is also one of the fairest decisions justice has made. Indeed, given the community and the circumstances in which Albania is living, it has historical importance. It brands the shamelessly corrupt with a mark of shame and shows that the law cannot tolerate corruption or coexist with it in a democratic state. It also bears witness to the shameful end of a corrupt era in which dictatorship made the law while protecting crime.