THE RIGHT AND THE TRUTH cannot be replaced by Nano’s propagandistic speeches It is about empty words (language), energy, zeal deliberately put into an action in order to achieve political goals. That Nano and others think they can find an explanation for the events in a twisted way and carefully shift the blame onto Sali Berisha without producing any evidentiary facts is understandable. But with this simple question, his argument also falls: that at a time when the elections were approaching and the general momentum of the Shkodra rally was building up, the police had trapped itself in such a way as to carry out these actions and then pin the blame on the opposition. But what about the voting procedures and the government commissions in every city where electoral work was under way before April 2? What about the institutions of broad freedoms? These natural questions were asked of Mr. Nano on television, and he avoided them perfectly. His speeches were filled with a collective nervousness that turned them into moral rhetoric, leaving everything concrete in the shadows. The parliamentary commission stated that the legitimate purpose of the April 2 demonstration was known, but also that there had been attempts to distort it. This means that it is clearly acknowledged that reality cannot be replaced by words. He, however, chose such a rhetorical process that justifies everything and denies the guilt of the previous government. He provided no document, no fact, and no new evidence. The observer of this television spectacle felt offended by the claim that in Albania demonstrations are explained by economic dissatisfaction and by some “dark forces.” But if the grievances were of that kind, why did the uprising not take place in other cities where poverty has been worse than in Shkodra? Why did it happen precisely in Shkodra? Who organized it? Who pushed it? Nano avoids concrete questions and speaks in general terms, leaving the public with the illusion of an analysis. But a real analysis requires documents, evidence, and responsibility. This marked lack of proof makes his speech nothing more than a propagandistic exercise. In our case the problem is simple: the truth of the events of April 2 cannot be hidden with slogans. It calls for an investigation, seriousness, and respect for the victims of that day. The attempt to relativize the tragedy serves neither social reconciliation nor justice. Albanian society needs moral and political clarity. It cannot be satisfied with vague explanations and with words that aim to replace facts.

-Martyrs’ Day of the Albanian Nation is commemorated. The President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, takes part- “The Martyrs” - the immortal source of “collective” memory -Martyrs’ Day of the Albanian Nation is commemorated. The President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, takes part- On the occasion of Martyrs’ Day of the Nation, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, laid a wreath of flowers at the Martyrs’ Cemetery of the Nation in Tirana. The President was accompanied by the Speaker of Parliament, Pjeter Arbnori, Deputy Prime Minister Alfred Serreqi, Minister of Defense Safet Zhulali, Minister of Public Order Ylli Vejsiu, as well as other high-ranking military and civilian personalities. The laying of the wreath at the Martyrs’ Cemetery of the Nation was marked by an unusual event. Meanwhile, the question “whether on Martyrs’ Day it would not have been better to honor the people who fell in the struggle for freedom and democracy” emerged in the most visible way. It was precisely on May 5 that this question was given a fuller answer, presented not in the form of an official propagandistic ceremony, but as a natural civic feeling. The democratic movement in Albania, which in a new form brought the issue of freedom back into focus, also made possible a reevaluation of the figure of the martyr in Albanian history. In remembering this day, the offering of flowers and the silence before the graves were not merely a ritual. They became an expression of respect for those who sacrificed their lives in the name of freedom, but also a reflection on the way the former regimes had used their memory for ideological purposes. A free people honors the martyr differently: with dignity, without empty rhetoric and without political imposition. Albania is moving irreversibly away from the old forms of manipulated collective honoring. Ceremonies built on slogans are losing ground in the face of a new civic culture of memory. This culture does not reduce the martyr to a propagandistic figure, but turns him into a moral point of reference for society. For precisely this reason, the remembrance of the martyrs today takes on a deeper and more genuinely human meaning.

PRESIDENT BERISHA VISITED THE FAMILIES OF MARTYRS On the occasion of Martyrs’ Day of the Nation, President of the Republic Sali Berisha visited the family of the brothers Leka and Lame Kodra in Tirana. The President inquired about the family’s situation and expressed his gratitude for their sacrifice. He also visited the family of Qemal Stafa, where he honored the memory of one of the best-known figures of the Albanian resistance. During conversations with the family members, the President stressed that the democratic state has a moral duty to care for the families of those who fell for the freedom and independence of the country. President Berisha also visited the family of the martyr poet Havzi Nela, in order to express respect for his resistance against the dictatorship. He stated that Albanian democracy has the duty to restore the memory of all victims of political terror to its rightful place. This visit was valued as a meaningful gesture in the process of redefining public memory in Albania. (To be continued on page 2)

The depths and resets[?] were ignored and every justified recipe[?] was industrialized and continues to be. This is what the demin speaks of in a calming way. See the government coalition, which at first glance had reached a rigid moment. To understand what happened next, one had to follow the behavior of the political actors in the week that followed. Nano sought to give the impression that the opposition was unable to produce alternatives. The real goal was to shift public attention away from the real problem of governance and from its failures. This kind of political behavior has a clear propagandistic background. Politics and society, in a broader sense, had lost the sense of their mission. A large part of public opinion was tired of slogans and promises without backing. Here begins the boundary between strategy and paste[?]: one requires responsibility, the other is simply a temporary cover-up of reality. In this sense, the debate over political figures and their gestures remains essential for understanding the Albanian transition. BASHKIM TRENOVA

PASTEI or STRATEGY

TOZAJ in defense of ENVER and TOSI In a trial over the attack on the Stalin monument on February 20, 1991, in which 5 members of the association of former political prisoners and persecuted persons were accused, Nano’s witness is introduced as his lawyer, evidently[?]. The only person in the long, six-hour proceeding who spoke about the terror and repression of the collapsing communist system, and who perhaps dared in a special way, on February 20, with the gesture of toppling a monument that aroused hatred, was one of the accused. He later stated firmly that the trial was being used to bring to light an old political logic. The defense witness brought by Nano, Mr. Tozaj, described the movement against Stalin as part of an “anarchist” spirit. But what made an impression was that his statements went further: according to him, there had been no real terror in Albania and the figures who led the old state deserved respect for their “historical contribution.” This statement was received with indignation by those present, especially the former political prisoners. At a time when Albanian society was trying to break clearly with the symbolism of the dictatorship, this position was seen as an open defense of Enver and Tosi. BASHKIM TRENOVA