The People’s Assembly is a minor step for the Social Democratic Party. Today, in our national mindset, the conviction should take hold that democracy and the market economy will triumph only thanks to genuine political alternatives. It is not difficult to understand and appreciate that the first pluralist elections of 31 March 1991 were the product of certain immature political processes which ultimately led to major distortions in the result. After this series of events, the opposition of that time, especially the Democratic Party, made intensive efforts to demand the removal of the communists from power. The country went through deep crises until the elections of 22 March 1992 brought political change. However, even after that date, it became clear that Albanian society still had deep political and moral wounds. Much was said about the role of the opposition, about the place of social democracy, about the need for a new constitutional agreement. In this climate, many have seen the Assembly as a necessary step to channel political conflict and build stable rules of the game. On the other hand, it remains clear that without a broad agreement on the Constitution, any attempt at stability will be incomplete. That is precisely the core of our political debate: can there be a democratic order without a constitutional basis accepted by all? The logical answer is no. (Continued on page 2)

The stance of the other communists on the parliamentary boycott is described as the attitude of people who have learned to live by the day’s spoonful. The dragging out of opposition consultations is now a well-known fact. Political circles see this as an indicator of the lack of a shared vision of the opposition’s role in the new system. At the center of these positions is Fatos Nano, who, according to his opponents, is trying to find in the parliamentary boycott a form of political pressure. In a pluralist Parliament, boycotts are not unusual, but when they become the only strategy, they lose their force and become a sign of weakness. That is also why many analysts describe this initiative as a last attempt to preserve influence. Nevertheless, supporters of this line argue that the government has left no real space for dialogue and that the opposition has been pushed toward this action by the arrogance of the majority. In the end, the decision to boycott or not will affect not only the fate of one party, but also the credibility of the system in the eyes of public opinion. (Continued on page 2)

It will contribute to the recognition and development of relations between our two peoples and countries Following the new political and social developments in Albania, and particularly with the expansion of relations with the German state, it became necessary for a working group on Albanian issues to be created in the German parliament as well. Thus, in the Bundestag in Bonn, on the proposal of MP Klaus Francke, this special parliamentary group was founded. Initial announcements state that the group will aim to help deepen mutual understanding, support economic, cultural and institutional cooperation, and strengthen ties between the two peoples. Its members include MPs from different German political forces. The initiators stress that Albania is in an important phase of democratic transformation and that the support of European partners is of special importance. According to them, the group can also serve as a communication bridge for the needs of administration, legislation and the market economy. HELMUT HOYTBACH (Continued on page 4)

Shkodra! Not a word in defense of Albanian nationalists dominated by anti-Albanians. The visit of some political representatives to Serbia has been widely commented on in Albanian circles. Many critics have pointed out that the statements made there avoided the most acute issues affecting Albanians in Kosovo and in other Albanian regions under pressure. According to the first comments, the delegation was cautious to the point of silence. This has sparked strong reactions in public opinion, especially because the defense of the national and political rights of Albanians was not clearly articulated. At a time when Serbia continues its repressive policy, any official contact is expected to be accompanied by a firm and dignified stance. It is precisely this lack of voice, according to critics, that makes the visit controversial. (Continued on page 2)

The leadership of the PS approves Nano’s agreement with the Greeks. The work of “ZP” was carried out, admitting that Nano sold national interests for some money. Another black page in the history of PK, PP, PS The leadership of the PS approves Nano’s agreement with the Greeks. The work of “ZP” was carried out, admitting that Nano sold national interests for some money. By its decision yesterday (Thursday, 17 June), the leadership of the PS provisionally approved the orientation of its leading group to go into boycott in the Assembly. But before the decision was taken, the chairman of the PS, Fatos Nano, once again launched political accusations against the government and the president, while at the same time trying to justify his orientation with tactical arguments. In political circles this decision has been seen as another sign of the deep crisis engulfing the Socialist Party. Its opponents link this to the loss of political ground and to the attempt to preserve influence through tension. The accusations that Nano has damaged national interests in relation to Greece have been repeated in strong terms. In any case, supporters of the PS claim that the boycott is the last means of putting pressure on the majority and opening the way to dialogue. The debate remains fierce and with consequences for the political climate in the country. (Continued on page 2) The humor corner By Avendi; politbi MEASURES TO FACE THE CONFRONTATION OF THE HUNGER OF SOUTH KOREA Lamenting? - the ordinary feet From one of Nano's boasters Glory for! paduno-rubuno-manuse

-Words fail to soothe and react to his wound! Shkodra is keeping a permanent mourning and sad vases.

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